The Politics of Bad Writing

Let’s be honest. Anthropology is plagued by dull, pretentious, and sometimes even meaningless prose: language that is at best imprecise and at worst incomprehensible. Now and then, examples of clear and evocative writing emerge from the literature like flowers from the weeds. Yet many anthropologists will privately acknowledge that the general state of the discipline’s prose is poor. Some say it openly, though often only toward the end of their careers, perhaps because by then, the conventions for what can and cannot be said in public have worn thin. Daniel Goldstein, emeritus professor at Rutgers University, describes anthropologists as the kind of people who “can make the most interesting subjects sound boring.” Despite studying the burning issues of our time, anthropologists often produce writing that is “astonishingly dull”. Some of it is weighed down by jargon “simply to show off or to cover the fact that the writer does not really know what he or she is talking about” (Goldstein 2016: 10).

It took me years before I learned that many of my colleagues share this view. Perhaps my naivety was because I had not grown up in an academic family. Early in my studies, I struggled to understand academic books and seminars. I thought that I was not smart enough, while everyone else comprehended without much effort. In my first months at the university, I made a personal dictionary to decipher the tribal language others around me seemed to master (I still have it, tucked away in a drawer in my office). With practice I became more like the insiders. I learned to use passive verb forms and odd nouns instead of ordinary sentences. I wrote about how “phenomena” were “constituted” and peppered my prose with words like “temporality” and “reification.” By changing how I spoke and wrote, I imagined that I belonged.

But there was something fake about the academic community I was becoming part of. As I began working as a professional academic, the extent of fakery became clearer. At prestigious seminars, visiting scholars would talk about “layered temporalities,” “inter-scalar” concepts, and increasingly in recent years, “entanglements” and “assemblages.” Attendees would nod importantly but afterward, over a beer, some of us juniors would admit we had not understood much of what had been said. Occasionally, even the seniors betrayed a similar sentiment. Once, a visiting anthropologist gave a seminar at my department. In the hallway afterward I overheard a conversation between two older professors on their way to lunch. “Did you understand anything she said,” said one to the other. Her colleague shook her head as they entered the elevator.

Not all anthropological writing is opaque, and some of it is excellent, living up to the discipline’s lofty ideals as a bottom-up mode of inquiry that transports readers to other worlds and challenges their assumptions. The real question, however, is not whether anthropology occasionally lives up to its promise, but why it so regularly betrays it, allowing insincere and sometimes impenetrable prose to flourish.

Colleagues have regularly sounded the alarm about anthropology’s tendency to turn the intensity of fieldwork experiences into dull and introverted rumination (Eriksen 2005; Shah 2023). But judging from a recent study, the academic habits of obscure writing are only getting worse. In 2024, journalists at The Economist analyzed 350,000 PhD abstracts from 1812 to the present using a well-established readability test. They found that academic writing has become increasingly difficult to read over the last 50 years, with the social sciences and humanities experiencing the most significant declines (The Economist 2024).

What accounts for these habits of bad writing? And what can be done to counter them? The beginning of an answer to both questions lies in the conditions under which academics work. Young researchers, in particular, face immense pressure to “publish or perish”, but rarely with any actual training in writing. Crafting a 30-page article, or a 300-page PhD, is daunting – as one colleague puts it, the equivalent to “entering a marathon with no distance training” (Starn 2022: 190). Our education rarely includes training in writing beyond the cursory seminars and fleeting advice offered by time-pressed seniors whose convoluted prose is often part of the very problem. Having completed my PhD only a few years ago, I am not surprised to learn that doctoral students in the U.S. suffer from mental health disorders at six times the national average (Evans et al. 2018, quoted in Starn 2022: 190). Between mastering the jargon, keeping up with the latest hip theorists, working to pay tuition, and trying to sound smart in seminars, it is unsurprising that few find time to do more than mimic the style of senior scholars, let alone produce exceptional prose. Minorities, students of color and academics from working-class backgrounds will often feel like impostors in this environment built and run by the white upper classes. And so, we learn to imitate, much as I did with the help of my dictionary of fancy words. Indeed, psychologist Michael Billig has suggested that such imitation is a recipe for success in the social sciences. Those who write badly have not had too little education, says Billig (2013: 11), “on the contrary, you have to study long and thoroughly to write so poorly.”

Billig’s observation resonates with my experience from co-organizing a course in science journalism and creative writing in recent years. The BA-level version of the writing course was a success, as undergraduates excelled at developing more accessible writing skills. But the same course for doctoral students proved a failure. Many PhD students were eager to learn the craft, but lacked the time to properly attend class, or incentive to take the extra course work seriously. The minority who completed the writing exercises tended to submit half-baked work, too preoccupied with other academic publishing demands to focus on improving their prose. The graduate-version of the course was shut down after only one semester.

Clearly, the difference between undergraduates and PhDs is not just that the latter group was pressed for time and had adopted the writing habits of their seniors. Another factor is the legitimate demands placed on doctoral students, as scholars, to do high-quality research. Unlike writers addressing a broader, non-academic audience, who are freer to craft evocative prose, the creed of the academic researcher is to produce solid knowledge, not necessarily to inspire as many readers as possible. Specialists must rely on some degree of technical language to ensure precision and progress in their research. Our work is also assessed by anonymous peers who check for rigor when we present our results, and honesty when discussing the work of others. At best, these norms and procedures make academic texts more reliable, promoting quality but not always readability. The problem is only that this enables some of our worst writing habits.

In some corners of the social sciences, it is an open secret that part of the peer review process is about saying the right words and quoting fashionable theorists, at the expense of writing anything important or clear. Trendy discussions are then validated by colleagues writing in the same style, who cite, acknowledge, and promote one another’s work. Adhering to standards of academic “rigor” can be code for promoting unnecessary jargon and fluff. This would likely not be a problem of such a magnitude if the audience we addressed were not either too structurally implicated, or too disempowered, to criticize our taken-for-granted habits of writing. Scholarly enclosure creates this familiar weak spot: Graduate students will often lack the time and intellectual self-confidence to question what they are reading, interpreting poor or even nonsensical writing as profound insight (what Dan Sperber, 2010, has called “the Guru effect”), while senior scholars are often too polite or too deeply involved to do anything about the problem.

Freeing academic writing from pomposity and humbug is therefore difficult. It requires broad reforms to higher education and research, prioritizing quality over quantity in publishing, improved support for public scholarship, and measures to alleviate the precarity of young academics. But even in the absence of such reforms, departments and journals can take immediate steps to nurture better writing. First, writing should be treated as a core component of anthropological education. Instead of leaving students to mimic the habits of dense academic prose, departments should teach the craft of writing for both scholarly and general audiences. We may aspire to influence the public sphere, but it is likely anthropology itself that will gain most from such efforts, because public-facing communication can help root out obscurity and fluff.

As anyone who has tried to engage an uninitiated audience will know, there is no bluffing with those who are neither paid to care (colleagues) nor forced to read (students). A second set of measures should target established publishing practices. Recent years have seen calls to decolonize scholarly syllabi and practice. A similar effort is needed to de-privilege and democratize the academy. Departments should encourage scholars to use or develop outlets that prioritize clarity, accessibility, and originality over jargon-filled conformity.

None of this is easy, but it is worth remembering that anthropology is well-positioned to produce vivid and clear prose that can “ignite scholarly relevance beyond academia” (Shah 2022: 570). After all, the heart of the discipline is ethnographic fieldwork among people who would either laugh or shake their heads at the articles we write about them. Much as writing for a non-academic audience can serve as an antidote to fluff, the reality we encounter through fieldwork can help strip away the pretension that often pervades academic texts. By stepping out of seminar rooms and engaging with the public, anthropologists gain better access to what matters to actual people. Many return from the field with a sense that something important is at stake in our research. In an institutional environment that teaches, incentivizes, and values writing not for its ability to impress or reinforce class membership but for its capacity to convey meaning, anthropologists can develop ways of expressing themselves that captivate audiences, reach beyond academic circles, and even honor the time and effort others have given to our research.

Bibliography:

Billig, M. (2013). Learn to write badly: How to succeed in the social sciences. Cambridge University Press. UK: Cambridge.

Eriksen, T. H. (2005). Engaging anthropology: The case for a public presence. Routledge.

Evans, T. M., Bira, L., Gastelum, J. B., Weiss, L. T., & Vanderford, N. L. (2018). Evidence for a mental health crisis in graduate education. Nature biotechnology, 36(3), 282-284.

Goldstein, D. (2016). Owners of the sidewalk: Security and survival in the informal city. Duke University Press.

The Economist. (2024, December 18). “Academic writing is getting harder to read—the humanities most of all”. Retrieved from https://www.economist.com/science-and-technology/2024/12/18/academic-writing-is-getting-harder-to-read-the-humanities-most-of-all

Shah, A. (2022). “Why I write? In a climate against intellectual dissidence”. Current Anthropology, 63(5), 570-600.

Sperber, D. (2010). “The Guru Effect”. Review of Philosophy and Psychology. 1.4: 583-592.

Starn, O. (2022). “Anthropology and the misery of writing”. American Anthropologist, 124(1), 187-197.

LOST PREDICTIONS

All characters appearing in this work are fictitious. Any resemblance to real persons, living or dead, entities, events and organisations is coincidental.

              Fiona Murphy and Eva van Roekel Cordiviola with ChatGPT

I

Professor Karel Mulder sat at his desk, wreathed in the noble decay of academia—a kingdom of paper that had long since declared independence from any attempts at order. Journals leaned precariously, manuscripts slumped in resignation, and lecture notes, bearing the faded ink of forgotten brilliance, formed geological layers of intellectual toil. His office smelled of old books, stale coffee, and the quiet despair of peer review.

It was, in short, perfect.

For Karel was a man of paper. He did not trust it, mind you—that would be naïve. He believed in it, in the way others believe in saints or the slow majesty of trains. Paper, he said, was “the last incorruptible medium.” You could mark it, tear it, even burn it—but it never asked to be updated. In an age of PDFs and platforms, Karel remained loyal to ink. His office was a paper mausoleum—stacks leaning like arthritic trees, post-its fading like colonial flags, a chalkboard crowded with esoteric equations underlined twice, as if that lent them more truth.

And the equation—ah, yes. That was his masterpiece. His madness. His gospel.

  God ≈ (Fine‑Tuning × Belief) ÷ Entropy

He had found it in a dream, or a journal article, or a Tucker Carlson interview—sources blurred at that altitude. What mattered was that it felt true. The numbers, he insisted, lined up like apostles. He had devoted three years, four ruined conferences, and one increasingly silent marriage to perfecting the maths of divinity.

“Einstein sought elegance,” he would say, gesturing at the formula with the kind of reverence usually reserved for relics. “I seek evidence. In ratios. In resonance.”

His students watched him with the tender bewilderment reserved for gifted eccentrics. They put his quotes on bluesky. They footnoted his paradoxes. Some came to listen; others came to see if he would unravel in real time. Anneke, his wife, had long ceased trying to interpret his scribbled formulas. She left notes instead. There’s mould in the kitchen. You forgot bin day. Stop trying to prove God exists and answer your phone. When she left the house now, it was with the door closed carefully—like a final paragraph sealed with an ellipsis. But Karel still believed in his ritual. Not the divine kind—he had spent too long dismantling the scaffolding of God to be seduced by its silhouette—but the academic kind: dimly lit offices, sighing theatrically at student emails, filing rejections by tone. His workspace was not a desk. It was a shrine to stubbornness.

One morning, while reorganising his folder on divine emergence models (Version 17c), a subject line caught his eye:

BERLIN. EDITORS’ WORKSHOP. INNOVATION. METRICS. INVITE ONLY.

He read it three times. Then he printed it—on actual paper, of course—and placed it beneath a brass clip with the seriousness of a signed treaty.

Dear Professor Mulder,

We are pleased to invite you to an exclusive workshop for distinguished editors and scholars at Devour Publishing, hosted at the Ritz-Carlton Hotel, Berlin. All expenses covered, including travel, accommodation, and meals…

He made a noise usually reserved for particularly ill-conceived abstracts.

The Ritz-Carlton. Of course. Nothing said academic publishing quite like chandeliers and artisanal napkins. He could already see it: an endless parade of sleek intellectuals, all glowing screens and curated humility, discussing “innovative publishing trends” while privately wondering how to disappear from peer review forever. They would talk about metrics as if numbers were a form of truth. They would propose AI to fix the inefficiencies of human judgement—as if machines could approximate the slow venom of a disappointed reviewer.

Still—Berlin. He hadn’t been in years. Perhaps there was still pleasure to be found in hearing someone misquote Derrida in front of a cheese plate. He clicked “Reply.”

I will attend. Kindly send details.

Then, to restore his dignity, he picked up the latest draft of the paper on God, inhaled the scent of good paper, and reminded himself: One must occasionally engage with the world—if only to confirm that it is still not worth the effort.

II

Karel Mulder sat again at his desk, the morning light filtering through the curtains with all the enthusiasm of a disapproving librarian. The room, once a sanctuary of thought, had taken on the air of a private exhibition entitled The Noble Decline of a Man Who Once Had Potential. The bookshelves sagged like ageing aristocrats under the weight of unread tomes. Papers formed miniature mountain ranges—testaments to decades of good intentions. And in the centre of it all sat Karel, like an astronomer who had mistaken his tax return for a constellation, glaring at an equation he no longer understood but still felt morally superior to. The trouble with equations, of course, was that they did not respond to pleading. Or charm. Or perfectly constructed conditional clauses. You could curse at them in multiple languages—and Karel had—but the numbers remained unmoved. Much like Anneke.

The silence of their house was not peaceful. It was accusatory. He had once longed for silence in the way others long for fame or sex. Now that he had it, he found it pressed against his ribs like a debt collector. A door creaked in the hallway. Then came the slow, unhurried footfalls of a woman who had once walked towards him but now only walked past him.

Anneke had once been a woman of declarations—about how life was meant to be lived, not analysed; savoured, not footnoted. Over time, her vitality had been gently strangled by Karel’s indifference. It is a strange thing to watch someone shrink inside a marriage. To see brightness dull not from trauma, but from sheer, relentless disappointment. But she was not a woman to go quietly into domestic purgatory. She appeared in the doorway, arms folded, her expression somewhere between disappointment and poise.

“Karel,” she said, voice calm, “the ivy is overtaking the fence.”

There were many ways to interpret this statement. A romantic might have heard: Please, let us fix this together. A sentimental man might have heard: I need to know you still care. Karel heard: This is another task you will ignore until it becomes a metaphor.

“Can’t it wait?” he muttered, eyes still fixed on the equation, as if sheer willpower might transform it into a revelation.

Anneke’s lips pressed together with the precision of someone mentally updating her list of regrets.

“It’s important,” she said.

“More important than this?” he snapped, gesturing vaguely at the chalkboard—as if anyone else in the house had ever mistaken his work for a divine priority. Anneke raised an eyebrow. It was a well-practised gesture, honed over decades. A single, sculpted arc of disbelief.

“More important than us? More important than living, Karel?”

He hesitated. It was, as always, a trap. To say yes would be to confirm every terrible suspicion she already harboured. To say no would require some performance of tenderness, which he did not currently have in stock. And so, like a true academic, he opted for the third—and worst—option.

“I’ll deal with it later.”

Anneke exhaled. Not the sigh of a woman disappointed, but the sigh of a woman no longer surprised. She did not slam the door. That would have indicated passion. She closed it with the elegance of punctuation. Final. Undeniable. Karel sat in the silence she left behind, staring not at the door, but at the echo. Their love, he thought bitterly, was like a perfectly constructed sentence in a badly written book: technically admirable, but entirely out of place. And then—Sophie Vermeer.

The thought came uninvited, as most dangerous thoughts do. Sophie, his former student, now a professor at MIT, where her name had become synonymous with words like pioneering, visionary, and highly cited. She had never adored him, but she had engaged him—intellectually, and occasionally with scorn. She had studied her professors the way biologists study endangered species: carefully, respectfully, and with the clear aim of rendering them obsolete. She had succeeded where Karel didn’t. It was not desire that stirred in him—not exactly. It was recognition. Sophie had made him feel, once, the way equations used to: like something unknowable, like something just out of reach.

He shifted, uncomfortable with the memory. The future, he knew now, no longer belonged to him. His eyes moved to the screen. The invitation to Berlin glowed faintly, like temptation. Sophie might be there. He reached for his coffee, took a sip, and grimaced. Cold. Of course. The kind of cold that reminded you no one had made it for you. The house, once again, was silent. The kind of silence that confirmed suspicion rather than offering relief. The ivy was overtaking the fence.

Perhaps, he thought, he should let it.

 III

Nina Roth stood in her apartment above the Hudson, thirty-nine floors above the city, watching a cargo ship slide slowly past the Statue of Liberty. The apartment was made almost entirely of glass and intention. Polished concrete, monochrome furniture, a bonsai tree shaped within an inch of its life. The kind of space where nothing gathered dust, because nothing was allowed to stay long enough. She held a glass of water with the same precision she brought to everything: one-third full, no ice, no nonsense. The city below throbbed with urgency, sirens and lights weaving through the dawn like a vascular system on the verge of burnout. She liked the view. She liked the illusion that she was above it all. She did not like the email she had just received. A single line from her father:

 “Do you ever miss doing real work?”

She did not reply. She never replied to these. But the question lingered, like the aftertaste of too much mint. The question had a sibling: What have you actually built? Devour Publishing was profitable. Scalable. Visionary. A market leader. These were the words her team used. Her investors. Her board. And yes, occasionally, herself. But sometimes—usually before flights—she let other words through. Sterile. Extractive. Obedient. Hollow. She moved into the kitchen, if only to move. The espresso machine blinked at her like an irritated colleague. She ignored it. Poured another third of a glass of water. The morning briefing was still open on her tablet.

“Prepare: keynote language softened re: peer-review obsolescence.”
 “Berlin summit attendees: note pushback from legacy editors.”
 “Consider closing with a collaborative anecdote.”

She snorted. Collaborative anecdote. As if any of this had ever been a team sport. She was flying out in two hours. Berlin again. The workshop would be what it always was: a stage, a defence, a negotiation she had already won. She would arrive, deliver, smile with the right muscles, and shake hands with people who would later claim to admire her from a safe distance. And yet, the idea of stepping once more into a room full of quietly seething academics filled her with the kind of dread she reserved for dental surgery and media interviews.

Nina wasn’t afraid of their judgement. She was just tired of their surprise. Her eyes drifted to the corner of the counter where, improbably, a single envelope lay—posted, not emailed. She hadn’t opened it. It had arrived from Oxford, handwritten, addressed to her in ink with unnecessary care. From an old colleague, maybe. Or someone still trying to rescue the concept of dignity. She hadn’t thrown it away. That annoyed her most. A tremor of something rose in her—restlessness, maybe. Or its cousin, regret. She silenced it with the swipe of a finger. The time zone math told her it was already afternoon in Berlin. She checked her phone: her driver would arrive in twenty minutes. She moved back to the window, sipped her water.

Outside, the world moved on with or without permission. The cargo ship had disappeared, replaced by a tugboat that looked almost cheerful.  Inside, Nina Roth turned toward her suitcase—grey, wheeled, inevitable. She zipped it closed, as though locking something in.

IV

The car met her on the tarmac. Not her idea, but protocol. The driver wore gloves—the kind that suggested the car did not belong to him. He smiled too much. She returned the gesture with a corporate nod, just warm enough to signal civility, just cold enough to end the conversation. Berlin appeared at the window like a shrug. Graffiti peeled from the walls in elegant decay. Buildings leaned against each other like friends who’d been drunk since the Cold War. There was no polished veneer here, no curated skyline. Just concrete, rebellion, and bad typography with suspicious confidence.

She didn’t like it. It was too cool. Too layered. Too unwilling to explain itself. Cities like this didn’t want to be reformed—they wanted to be survived. The hotel, at least, behaved. A glint of international capitalism in the midst of cracked pavement and anarchist stickers. Its glass façade reflected none of its surroundings, which seemed right. It looked like it had been helicoptered in from somewhere less opinionated. Inside: silence, scented air, discreet wealth. A concierge who knew her name before she said it. Nina Roth checked in without fanfare.

As she entered the elevator, a young man in a conference lanyard attempted a half-smile. She didn’t return it. Not because she was rude, but because she couldn’t afford to become a type—approachable, mentorable, soft on the inside. Her reflection in the mirrored elevator doors was exactly as she intended: poised, expensive, unavailable. She closed the door to her suite, took off her heels, and opened her tablet. The future, she reminded herself, does not need your permission. It just needs you not to blink.

VII

The taxi smelled of warm vinyl, political disappointment, and too much cologne. The driver spoke in English, the cheerful kind that implies a long-standing grudge against tourists. Karel nodded politely, said nothing. He was too busy watching the city pass by. Berlin. He had not been here in years. The city had grown rougher, stranger, more itself. Spray paint climbed every available surface. Posters flapped on lampposts—raves, protests, queer theory lectures with questionable punctuation. It was a city that didn’t tidy itself up for visitors. Karel wondered why he approved.

The buildings had the look of places that remembered too much and forgave nothing. They weren’t proud. They were still standing. That, in itself, felt honest. They passed a courtyard bar where someone was already playing techno at 3 p.m., and Karel almost smiled. This, he thought, was what the future should sound like. Indifferent. Joyless. Too loud for branding. The hotel came into view. Glass. Chrome. Designed by someone who used the word “wellness” as a verb. It did not belong in Berlin. It belonged in every other city pretending to be Berlin.

Karel stepped out of the taxi and paid in cash, to the driver’s visible confusion. His suitcase was older than some of the guests. He wore his cardigan like a protest and carried a briefcase full of paper, which made him feel both righteous and irrelevant.

Inside, the air changed. Subtle perfume. Soft jazz. The scent of suppressed complaint. He approached the front desk. A young woman greeted him with the kind of brightness that had been focus-grouped into oblivion.

“Professor Mulder?” she said, eyes darting to her screen.

“Welcome. You’re just in time for the opening panel.”

He adjusted his spectacles.

“Wonderful,” he said, with the measured enthusiasm of a man asked to applaud a spreadsheet.

As she handed him his key card—his name spelled correctly, for once—he noticed a woman striding across the lobby. Tall. Blonde. Tailored. She didn’t look around. She didn’t have to. Karel saw how the air made room for her. He didn’t recognise her. But he knew the silhouette. A corporate evangelist, he thought. AI in the bloodstream. The kind of person who’d replace a reviewer with a dashboard and call it mercy. He didn’t need her name to know what she believed. Karel took his room key. Walked toward the elevator. The carpet was too soft. The music was trying too hard. Upstairs, someone opened a laptop. Downstairs, Karel paused and muttered to no one in particular:

“And so begins the funeral of discernment.”

VIII

The day of the editor’s workshop, the air hummed low, a murmur of thoughts rising and falling, half-born and stillborn in equal measure, faint as a breath over coffee grown stale. The chairs creaked faintly, cheap wood bowing to bodies packed too tight, elbows grazing elbows, a hush over the room that felt less like anticipation and more like dread.

Karel Mulder arrived precisely on time, which was to say ten minutes too late to secure a comfortable chair but ten minutes too early to have missed the opening formalities. He took in the room with the bleak assessment of a man who had spent too many years attending academic conferences. The lighting was bright enough to induce existential despair but not quite bright enough to read without eye strain. A few attendees had already begun their subtle, strategic exits—the classic trick of stepping out to take an ‘important call’ that would last precisely as long as the least interesting presentation. But the first thing Karel noticed was the banner. It hung across the conference hall, bold and unrepentant, with the self-assured arrogance of a totalitarian slogan:

DEVOUR ACADEMIC SOLUTIONS: FOR A FRICTIONLESS FUTURE

Underneath, a group of young professionals stood behind a sleek white booth, distributing glossy pamphlets and branded USB sticks, as though they were missionaries distributing the New Testament in a particularly godless province. A screen flickered to life, playing a promotional video. A soothing voice, the kind typically used to advertise luxury sedatives, cooed:

“In today’s fast-paced academic world, knowledge must be efficient, scalable, and seamlessly integrated. Devour Academic Solutions is leading the way in AI-enhanced publishing workflows, transforming traditional academia into a frictionless ecosystem of productivity and innovation.”

Karel watched in mute horror as animated figures of scholars—represented as sleek, faceless humanoids—submitted papers with the click of a button. Moments later, AI-generated comments appeared:

“Your research is innovative. Please add 17 more citations.”
 “Your abstract is clear. Please add 250 more words.”
“Your argument is sound. But please include a different methodology.”

Karel slumped lower in his chair. He longed for the dignified monotony of rejection letters, for the days when editors at least pretended to read submissions. A blonde woman in an aggressively tailored suit stepped onto the stage, introducing herself as Head of Strategic Knowledge Synergies—a title that meant precisely nothing. No one dared shuffle too loudly. All eyes fixed forward on her. Nina had arrived. Nina Roth.

She was the kind of American ambition made flesh, the kind that didn’t blink, didn’t pause, didn’t falter. Karel knew his first impression yesterday had been the right one. Nina was someone who didn’t climb the ladder—she owned it. She was amongst those who made decisions that affected thousands of people while thinking about any of them.

For a minute, Nina paused, letting the room settle, waiting until the last cough died out, until even the air seemed to still itself in anticipation.“Good Morning,” she began, her tone measured, the faintest of pauses after each syllable giving the words an unnerving clarity.

“The future of publishing has arrived. It is not a possibility, not a hypothetical—it is here, now, and it demands our attention.”

She allowed the words to linger in the air, watching the crowd with the faintest hint of a smile—not warm, not reassuring, but clinical, a scalpel’s smile. Behind her, the screen glared brightly, the title of her presentation glowing in stark white against a dark background:

ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE AND THE FUTURE OF PUBLISHING

Roth moved toward it with the confidence of someone unveiling an inevitability.

“You’ve heard the rhetoric,” she continued. “The promises of AI as a tool, a partner, a supplement to human ingenuity. But let us be clear: this is not just a tool. It is a transformation. And those who fail to adapt will be left behind.” Her heels clicked against the floor as she stepped to one side, pivoting to face a different quadrant of the audience.

“Publishing as we knew it is over,” she said, each word delivered like a hammer to a nail. “The days of postmarked envelopes and dog-eared manuscripts are gone. Gone. Peer review as a labour of passion—unpaid, unrecognised—is no longer sustainable. The machine is here. And the machine is efficient.”

A murmur passed through the room, faint and uneasy, like the shifting of chairs at a funeral. Roth ignored it.

“The old system was slow. Inefficient. Flawed. It left knowledge languishing in limbo, stifled innovation, and catered to a gatekeeping elite that pretended to safeguard quality while fostering stagnation. Artificial intelligence changes all of that. Faster peer review. Cleaner workflows. Improved metrics. A revolution in how we disseminate knowledge.”

She gestured toward the screen, where a series of statistics now appeared, bold and unignorable:

97% of manuscripts processed through automated systems.
 Peer-review turnaround reduced by 63%.
 Journal profits up 200% since AI implementation.

“This,” Roth said, her voice carrying a note of triumph, “is the future we are building. Not tomorrow. But today.”

She paused again. Her gaze moved once more across the faces before her, assessing them with an almost predatory precision.

“And let me assure you,” she said, leaning slightly forward, her voice dropping into something more intimate, more cutting, “those who embrace this future will thrive. And those who resist? Well, history has little patience for the obsolete.”

She stepped back, her heels clicking once again, and clasped her hands in front of her. The room remained silent. In the back row, Karel shifted. His mustard coloured cardigan was buttoned high, his collar slightly askew. He sat as if cast from stone, his spectacles glinting faintly in the glow of the screen, his moustache twitching with the restless energy of an untold story. The words on the screen glared back at him, foreign and familiar all at once. Then came the provocation.

“Remember the days,” Nina said suddenly, her voice slicing through the quiet, “when manuscripts were sent by post? I bet no one still does that—anyone?”

A ripple. Chuckles. Unease. And then—his hand. Deliberate. Solitary. Karel Mulder.

“I post manuscripts,” he said.

Each word was weighted like a stone placed in a shallow stream. His voice rolled slow, Lowland-heavy.

“And I post back the reviews. Always have. I do not trust the machines. Nor the clouds.”

“Paper does not forget.”

Not reverence. Not agreement. Something stranger. Like the room had been briefly reminded it had a spine. Karel lowered his hand, feeling the gaze of his colleagues settle on him like dust on an unread manuscript. Perhaps he was a relic. Perhaps he was just right.

Ah, the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society! he thought. Established in 1665, obsolete by 1666—and yet it endured. Not because it was efficient. But because it believed in ink, and the right to take up space in margins.

Roth recovered first.

“Well,” she said, a brittle smile assembled like a hasty thesis, “I suppose some traditions die hard. But imagine how much easier it would be—with AI.”

Karel’s hand fell. His mind was  already elsewhere. The clang of the postbox. The scent of ink. A margin marked by a stranger’s pen. The thread of meaning passed not through code, but care.

“And let’s not ignore the global shift,” Roth went on. “There are entire businesses built on paper-milling—authorship for hire. With AI, we can stamp that out.”

Her words settled like ash. Karel didn’t flinch. She hadn’t disproved his worldview. She had optimised it.

“AI doesn’t get tired,” she added. “It doesn’t miss deadlines. It doesn’t even require… compensation.”

The word hit him like a shard of glass. Seventeen years. He had paid for the stamps. And now the machines were coming for that, too. Life for Karel was mathematics. Not the clean, numerical kind that fits tidily on grant applications, but the unprovable sort—full of imaginary numbers and impossible limits. The kind of mathematics that ached. His devotion had always been less about answers than about order. Equations gave him what the world would not: the illusion of symmetry, the comfort of balance, the possibility that something—anything—might resolve. It wasn’t that he believed everything could be measured. It was that he feared what couldn’t. Now, sitting in a room pulsing with buzzwords and market-tested certainty, he felt the fragile elegance of his life’s logic collapse in slow motion. He stared at the screen.  The phrase transformational workflow ecosystems blinked in a corner.  He imagined scribbling it onto his blackboard, just to see if it would bleed.

IX

The coffee was weak. The pastries were weaker. And the mood, in the aftermath of Roth’s keynote, had the delicate tension of a piano wire strung between adversaries: one note away from music, or murder. Karel stood awkwardly near the biscuits, eyeing a Danish that appeared to be both stale and gluten-free—a theological contradiction, if ever there was one. No one spoke to him, though they glanced. Academics were good at glancing. Glances were peer review, in miniature. He lifted a recycled paper cup, turned it gently in his hand, and watched the steam spiral upwards, as if trying to escape the conversation that wasn’t yet happening.  “Still believe paper doesn’t forget?”

Karel didn’t turn immediately. He knew the voice. It had the cadence of certainty carved from a spreadsheet. Roth stood beside him, sipping her coffee like it had wronged her personally. Her eyes did not seek his. They were fixed ahead, on the nametag of a departing PhD student who nearly dropped his plate upon seeing them side by side. Karel took a breath.

“I believe in memory,” he said. “Which is not the same as a database.”

“Spoken like a man who hasn’t had to de-identify 200 submissions for GDPR compliance,” she said, a little too quickly. Then quieter, more to herself: “Memory is convenient. Until it isn’t.”

A beat. Her posture remained perfect, but something in her jaw twitched—a microscopic betrayal. Karel risked a glance.

“Do you ever worry,” he said carefully, “that you’re building something people will be grateful to forget?”

Roth let the silence sit. Then she tilted her head, just slightly.

“I worry we’re already forgotten,” she said. “That we’re just ghosts arguing over workflows while the world burns.”

It was the sort of sentence neither of them had any right to say—but both of them knew to be true. Karel nodded, more solemnly than she expected.

“I thought you didn’t believe in ghosts.”

“I don’t,” Roth replied. “But I do believe in editors.”

She turned to leave then, sharp as punctuation, heels clicking against the tile with the assurance of a woman who regretted nothing but maybe—just maybe—suspected she should. Karel remained by the coffee. The cup in his hand had cooled. The Danish still looked like a lie. And yet, something in the air had shifted—not softened, not resolved—but cracked, like a page torn just enough to remind you it could be burned.

X

The sun had slunk below the Berlin skyline with the air of an exhausted hostess finally rid of her guests. The city twinkled in the distance, an expanse of light and shadow, sharp yet indifferent, much like Karel Mulder’s marriage. He stood at the edge of the rooftop pool of his unreasonably modern hotel, half-submerged in warm water, contemplating the sheer absurdity of everything. The view was magnificent, or so he supposed. He had once been capable of finding meaning in such things—in the careful arrangements of constellations, in the poetry of a well-balanced equation, even in the subtlety of an elegant footnote. But tonight, the spectacle of Berlin seemed as ornamental as the academic discussions he had endured all day. The workshop had been exactly as he expected: a gathering of people who mistook their own verbosity for insight, trading intellectual barbs like children with expensive toys. Publishing was, as ever, dying. The future was, as ever, digital. And Karel, as ever, was meant to care.

But it was Anneke who finally broke through.

His phone vibrated on the table, cutting through the illusion of solitude like a dull knife. He let it buzz for a moment, regarding it with the same suspicion one reserves for a bill that one does not wish to pay. Then, with a sigh as deep as an existential crisis, he picked it up.

“Yes?”

There was silence, the kind of silence that carries meaning. Not the comfortable silence of long familiarity, nor the polite silence of good breeding, but the heavy silence of a woman trying very hard not to say something she might regret.

“Karel,” Anneke’s voice was frayed at the edges, as though it had been pulled too tightly, too often.

“The pipe in the basement burst. The water is everywhere. I don’t know how to stop it.”

Karel closed his eyes. Of course it was the pipe. Or rather, of course, it wasn’t the pipe.

“Call a plumber,” he said, already weary of the conversation, as if fatigue could act as a shield. “You know what to do.”

Another silence. He could hear her breathing on the line, the rhythm of someone deciding whether or not to say what they truly meant.

“It’s not just the pipe, Karel,” she said finally, her voice smaller now. “It’s the house. It’s everything. It’s… us. I don’t know where we fit anymore. I feel like I’m trying to hold everything together, but I don’t even know why. And I don’t know how much longer I can keep pretending that everything’s fine.”

Karel exhaled slowly. It was a strange thing to stand in a rooftop pool of a hotel in Berlin while your wife admitted she was drowning. There was something profoundly ironic about it, something almost mathematical. He had spent his life calculating certainties, mapping the movements of celestial bodies with precision, tracing patterns in the universe that had endured for millennia. And yet here, at the centre of his own life, there was no equation that could make sense of the entropy between them. Anneke continued, the words unspooling now, desperate to be said before she lost the courage to say them.

“Can you even hear me? Or are you again just lost in your work?”

The words were barbed, and worse, they were accurate. Karel opened his eyes and gazed at the city. From up here, everything looked orderly. The lights blinked in polite synchronization, the streets below pulsed with movement, all of it appearing to follow some invisible choreography. But of course, that was a lie. Down below, people were colliding, breaking, losing things, losing each other.

“I’m in Berlin, Anneke,” he said. “I can’t help you with this right now.”

“It’s not about the house, Karel,” she whispered. “It’s about me. About us. About who we even are anymore. It feels meaningless. Like we’re just… waiting for something to happen, but nothing ever does.”

Karel ran a hand through his damp hair, his stomach tightening with the kind of guilt he had learned to ignore. He had spent years, decades, avoiding this conversation, avoiding the slow unraveling of something that once felt like permanence. But the truth was, he no longer knew what they had been holding onto. Was it marriage? Habit? The sheer force of expectation? He thought of Anneke in the house, her feet cold against the flooded basement floor, standing among the wreckage, speaking of things they had both tried very hard not to acknowledge. He thought of the ivy she had warned him about, overtaking the fence, its roots creeping into places they did not belong.

“I’m sorry, Anneke,” he said, and for once, it wasn’t just a polite exit from the conversation. “I can’t fix this from here. I’ll be back in a few days. We’ll talk then.”

A long silence.

“And until then?” she asked, though they both knew the answer. There was no until then. Just waiting. She sighed—softly, but with the weight of every conversation they hadn’t had. Then the line went dead. Karel stared at the phone for a long time before placing it back on the table. He stepped back into the pool, letting the warm water close around him, but the illusion of comfort was gone. He closed his eyes and leaned back, floating, letting the water carry him. The pipe had broken. The house was flooding. Perhaps it always had been.

XI

The dinner that evening was less of a meal and more of an endurance test in human vanity. The table stretched out before them like an overlong dissertation, adorned with flickering candlelight that cast appropriately dramatic shadows over the assembled egos. Here sat the finest minds in academic publishing—or, at the very least, the most persistent survivors of its bureaucracy. Karel Mulder, seated near the end, regarded his plate of lamb with the detachment of a man considering whether it was truly worth engaging with. His fork hovered in mid-air, less an instrument of dining than a weapon of quiet protest against the conversation that surrounded him.

At the head of the table, in full imperial splendour, sat Professor Reginald Farnsworth-Smythe. A relic of a time when scholars wore waistcoats unironically and considered the telephone an intrusion upon the sanctity of intellectual thought. He held forth like a man issuing decrees rather than engaging in discourse. His voice, polished to the brittle perfection of an old-school BBC broadcast, rang out over the table.

“The trouble with publishing these days,” he announced, pausing to swirl his wine with the theatrical precision of a stage actor preparing for his monologue, “is that it has ceased to be about knowledge. It is now a numbers game. Publish or perish. And perish we shall if these infernal algorithms continue their reign of terror.”

A murmur of agreement rippled down the table, the kind of murmur that suggested deep intellectual engagement but was, in reality, the polite hum of digestion. Karel, for his part, did not respond. He simply adjusted his moustache, a gesture that, in academic circles, could be interpreted as a sign of silent rebellion.

Professor Farnsworth-Smythe continued, his voice now swelling with righteous indignation. “It’s a deluge! And half of it comes from China, of course. Quantity over quality. The whole business is drowning in mediocrity!”

“And now,” he went on, “the latest insult: artificial intelligence. Machines!” He spat the word as though it had personally wronged him. “Devour Academic Systems believes that a programme can replace us! As if an algorithm could comprehend the sweat and toil, the sheer humanity behind every equation, every painstaking footnote—”

A younger voice sliced through the fug of wine and grievance.

“And yet,” the man said, leaning forward with the air of someone about to commit a delicious act of social sabotage, “it is not machines replacing us, but rather humans doing the replacing. Editors unpaid, peer reviewers exploited, Devour raking in billions. AI is not the real villain. We are. Or rather, those of us who keep propping up this wretched system.”

The table stiffened. Karel glanced toward the speaker—a sharp-eyed young editor who had clearly not yet learned the art of professional despair. He regarded Karel briefly, as though expecting him to issue a grand declaration in solidarity. Farnsworth-Smythe scoffed, dismissing the remark with a wave of his hand, as though brushing away an unworthy manuscript.

“Nonsense. The human touch will always prevail. We are the gatekeepers! The arbiters of knowledge!”

“Gatekeepers?” The younger man raised an eyebrow. “What gates are we keeping when authors are being bought and sold in parts of the world? When Devour monetises even the review process? The system is a racket, and we’re the ones holding it up.”

The conversation twisted from there, spiralling into a labyrinthine debate, punctuated by self-congratulation, righteous fury, and the occasional dramatic sip of wine. The token women editors at the table, present more as a nod to diversity than as actual participants, exchanged glances of quiet amusement, their silence far more eloquent than the verbal chaos unfolding around them. And then, with the timing of a man who knew exactly when to drop a bomb into an already burning building, the Portuguese editor cleared his throat.

“I must confess,” he murmured, his accent curling around the words like a well-aged Douro, “our flagship journal is… how you say… leaving.”

The table froze.

“Leaving?” Farnsworth-Smythe repeated, his chin jutting forward like an outraged vicar. “Sim,” the Portuguese editor said, swirling his wine with the slow satisfaction of a man who enjoyed such moments far too much.

“We are… how you say… sick of the Association striking all our Devour revenue.”

A collective gasp—not quite loud enough to be theatrical, but certainly scandalised—spread through the table. Somewhere in the background, a waiter coughed discreetly.

“But… it’s their flagship journal,” someone finally managed.

“Ah, sim,” the Portuguese nodded. “Was.”

He shrugged, the gesture of a man who had seen entire empires rise and fall and had simply adjusted his subscription preferences accordingly. Farnsworth-Smythe clutched his wine glass as though reconsidering its use as a weapon. Karel, meanwhile, carved another piece of lamb and chewed with deliberate slowness. It was, in its way, a beautiful moment.

Later that evening, Karel found himself in the dim glow of a bar, surrounded by a ragtag assortment of editors and disgruntled academics. “This cannot stand!” thundered Klaus-Hermann Schneider, a physicist whose moustache alone carried the weight of three revolutions. “Devour Publishing has stolen the soul of academia and replaced it with spreadsheets!”

“Careful, Klaus,” said Aoife Keane, a literary scholar whose tongue was sharper than most reviewers’ rejections. “You’ll scare the waitstaff.”

“They should be scared!” Klaus-Hermann boomed. “We all should be scared! Continuous publication? Continuous humiliation! We are not editors anymore; we are unpaid data processors!”

Murmurs of agreement rumbled through the group. Across the table, Elena Moreno, a sociologist with a gift for puncturing illusions, nodded. “Open Access should have democratised knowledge. Instead, it’s turned into a pay-to-play system. And we’re the ones keeping it afloat—for free.”

“Exactly!” Klaus-Hermann pounded the table. “Tonight, comrades, we draft a manifesto!”

Aoife raised an eyebrow. “A manifesto? What are we calling ourselves—The True Fellowship of the Peer Review? TFPR in good publishing jargon?”

The table erupted into laughter, but something quiet had shifted. Elena leaned towards Karel as the others debated fonts for the revolution. “That thing you said, earlier—about friction, about feeling your own labour through paper—”

“Yes?” Karel asked, expecting mockery.

“I think I’d forgotten that,” she said simply. “That it used to feel like something.” Aoife nodded. “You made me realise… I haven’t touched a printed thesis in years. I’ve been editing ghost documents for ghosts. At some point, I stopped noticing.”

Karel was quiet for a moment.

“Paper slows us down. That’s its greatest flaw. And its greatest gift.”

By the time the bar was closing, they had talked themselves hoarse. A few pages of the napkin manifesto had been completed—fair pay for editors, transparency in publishing fees, an end to exploitative article processing charges. Wine stains mingled with ink. It felt, if not revolutionary, at least like the beginning of something.

“Right,” said Aoife, pulling out her phone. “I’m not walking back in these heels, and I’m certainly not paying for a taxi. Let’s bleed Devour dry with their own bloody vouchers.”

Karel frowned. He had never used a ride-sharing service before, let alone on someone else’s tab. But practicality was triumphing over principle tonight. Aoife tapped at her phone with practised ease. Within minutes, a sleek black car pulled up. The group squinted at it doubtfully.

“There’s no way we’re all fitting in that,” Elena said, eyeing Klaus-Hermann’s substantial frame.

“We’ll make it work,” Klaus-Hermann declared, folding himself into the passenger seat with all the grace of a giraffe attempting yoga. Karel and Elena slid into the back, followed by Aoife, who wedged herself in last. The door shut with a muffled thud, and the car immediately felt smaller than it looked.

“Evening,” the driver said cheerfully, adjusting his mirror. He was young, with kind eyes and an accent that spoke of warmer, dustier places. “Where are we headed?”

“The Devour-funded prison block,” Elena quipped, rattling off the hotel’s name.

The driver chuckled, his smile genuine. “Ah, academics, yes? Here for the big conference?”

“Something like that,” Klaus-Hermann grunted, clutching his manifesto as though it contained the solution to all the world’s injustices. The driver navigated the Berlin streets with a practised ease. After a few minutes, he glanced at them through the rear-view mirror.

“You know, I used to be an academic.”

Karel perked up. “What field?”

“Economics,” the driver said with a faint smile. “I taught at a university in Sudan. But, well… circumstances change.”

The car fell silent. Elena was the first to speak. “That’s… heartbreaking.” The driver shrugged, his tone resigned but not bitter, “It’s life. I drive now, I send money back home, and my son is studying. Maybe he’ll have better luck.” Klaus-Hermann, uncharacteristically quiet, finally spoke. “Do you miss it?”

The driver’s eyes met his in the mirror. “Every day,” he said. “But knowledge isn’t tied to a job. I still read. I still learn.” They pulled up to the hotel. Elena murmured “Gracias.” Aoife added, “You’re more of a scholar than most people in that conference room.” Karel paused, one foot still in the car. “And paper?” he asked, softly. The driver smiled. “I write letters. Every week. They never crash.” They disappeared into the hotel lobby as conspirators in a crumbling empire.

XII

Before bedtime, Karel Mulder found himself stripped not just of his cardigan and trousers, but of the last shreds of his dignity, sitting naked and alone in the hotel’s sauna. The heat pressed down upon him like an overdue monograph, each bead of sweat rolling down his skin a physical manifestation of his mounting existential crisis.

The wooden panels exhaled the weary sigh of decades of academic suffering, steeped in pine, perspiration, and the quiet regrets of scholars who had once believed their work mattered. His moustache, usually a proud bastion of defiance, drooped pathetically under the oppressive humidity. He leaned back against the slats, wincing as the wood stuck to his damp skin. How had it come to this?

It was not the pomposity of Farnsworth-Smythe that haunted him—after all, there would always be men who mistook their own obsolescence for wisdom. It was not even Roth and her sterile, surgically efficient vision of the future, where academia was reduced to a frictionless conveyor belt of knowledge production, void of humanity. No, what troubled him most was the revelation.

They get paid.

The words had landed like an anvil in his chest. Two younger editors—insufferable in their casual ease—had stood by the coffee station, unaware that their conversation had detonated a bomb inside his skull. “Fifty grand a year just to chase reviewers.” “And it’s all remote. No more conferences unless we want to go. They even pay for travel. It’s cake.” Karel had almost dropped his coffee.

Seventeen unpaid years. Seventeen years of licking stamps, of deciphering the ancient runes of reviewer feedback, of writing polite-yet-pleading emails to academics who could not be bothered to respond. Seventeen years of believing in the nobility of his work, in the quiet integrity of the system. He had been a fool. Now, in the suffocating heat of the sauna, the enormity of his naïveté bore down on him. His chest tightened. His fists clenched against his thighs. He had spent his life in service to a machine that did not even acknowledge his existence.

The door creaked open, and a broad, bald man lumbered in, his body glistening like a wet boulder. He sat heavily on the opposite bench, sighing with the satisfaction of a man untroubled by the weight of his own thoughts.

“You look troubled,” the man observed, wiping his face with a towel.

Karel hesitated, then burst forth, his words tumbling over one another like an overdue grant proposal. “Seventeen years! For nothing! They laugh at me! I pay for the stamps! Do you understand? I post manuscripts by hand!”

The man regarded him with the blank neutrality of a bureaucrat listening to a faculty grievance. “Maybe you should start charging,” he said simply, then stood, slinging the towel over his shoulder as he lumbered back out.

Karel sat in stunned silence, the man’s casual remark ricocheting inside his skull. Charge? Could he? Could he pivot so drastically, abandon the moral high ground he had clung to with such fervour? Would charging not reduce him to the level of the very system he despised? The coals hissed softly in the corner, sending another wave of heat rolling over him. He closed his eyes.

What stung him too wasn’t Roth’s arrogance or Farnsworth-Smythe’s bluster—it was Elena and Aoife. He had dismissed them at first, these sharp-eyed women with their biting wit and unrelenting critiques. But over the course of the workshop, he had found himself seeking them out. Their words—quick, cutting, but oddly kind—had forced him to examine things he had spent years avoiding.

“It’s a system that eats its own young,” Elena had said, her voice steady but fierce. “The wealthy institutions thrive, while the rest of us scramble to keep up. And the labour? Always unpaid, always invisible.”

Karel had bristled at first—how dare she speak in sweeping generalisations? But later, when they had crossed paths in the hallway, she had stopped him. “I’m sorry if that came off too strong,” she had said. “It’s just… it’s frustrating, isn’t it? Knowing we give so much to a system that barely acknowledges we exist.” Karel had nodded, and to his own surprise, had meant it. Then there was Aoife. Over lunch, he had been silent for too long, staring absently at his plate.

“Don’t tell me you’re still thinking about Roth’s presentation,” she had teased. “If we let people like her live in our heads rent-free, we might as well start paying for their coffee too.” He had laughed despite himself. Now, in the sauna, their words mixed with the steam, cutting through his usual defences. He realised with a jolt that he had begun to admire them—these women he would have once dismissed as too young, too brash, too irreverent. Maybe they weren’t so different after all.

He stood, the heat finally unbearable, and wrapped his towel around himself with a kind of defiance. He would think more on this later. For now, he needed to write. He needed to do something. Perhaps tomorrow, he would seek out Elena and Aoife. Not as adversaries, but as allies. Perhaps tomorrow, he would start asking the questions he had avoided for so long. Tonight, though, he would sit at his desk—towel-clad and determined—and begin the process of untangling the knot in his chest. He didn’t yet know what the answer would be. But the asking—that, at least, felt like a beginning.

Back in his hotel room, still wrapped in his towel like a fallen emperor, Karel paced. His notes, scattered across the desk, glowed under the desk lamp like the ruins of a once-great civilisation. “Transformative Agreements.” A euphemism for exploitation, he muttered. He swiped at the papers, as if obliterating the words might make them less insidious. Devour Academic Solutions. The name lingered in his mind like a malignancy. Devour was more than a company—it was a mission statement. It had consumed academic publishing, gutted it, repackaged it, and sold it back at a premium.

The so-called Open Access revolution? A scam. A system that had promised to democratise knowledge had been reduced to a transactional farce, where researchers in underfunded institutions bore the brunt of astronomical publishing fees. And AI? The creeping, insidious tendrils of automation had begun wrapping themselves around his sacred domain. Pre-written peer reviews, automated editorial processes—what burden were these corporations trying to ease? The burden of thinking? The burden of care?

Karel stopped pacing. His reflection in the dark window startled him. He looked… wild. His hair disheveled, his moustache unkempt, his towel slipping dangerously low. And then, suddenly, he turned, pointing a dramatic finger at the empty room.

“You! Yes, you! Sitting in your ergonomic chairs, sipping your matcha lattes, talking about efficiency and scalability!”

His voice rose, bouncing off the beige walls.

“You are not stewards of knowledge; you are predators! Peddlers of human intellect, packaged and sold as a commodity!”

He paused, savoring the imagined collective gasp of his unseen audience.

“Predators in Armani,”  he added softly, pleased with the phrasing.

He exhaled. The rage was still there. But beneath it, something new, dangerous. Tomorrow he would do something about it. Tonight, though, he would sit in his towel, pour himself a glass of overpriced minibar whiskey, and plot his revenge the only way he knew how: methodically, carefully, and on paper.

XIII

Nina Roth stood barefoot on the cold tile floor of her hotel suite, staring out at Berlin. The city flickered. Graffiti clung to every surface. Nothing apologised for its history. Even the streets seemed to mutter. She sipped at a glass of wine that had gone warm and sour.

The keynote had landed. The photos had been taken. The metrics were already climbing. She had delivered. Every word, every pause, calibrated. There had even been applause. But something small and unfamiliar had lodged beneath her ribs. She had not eaten at the dinner. She had laughed at all the right cues, nodded sagely at the Portuguese editor’s announcement, and made a brisk, strategic exit. Now she was alone in the suite Devour had booked. Glass walls, blackout curtains, water that lit up blue when poured. The kind of room where no one stayed long enough to shed anything personal.

On the desk lay a branded tote bag, still zipped. On the bed, her keynote note cards fanned out like tarot. She had half a mind to shuffle them and read her future.

She moved to the mirror and looked at herself. The suit still looked sharp, but her skin didn’t quite match it. There were fine lines now at her mouth, soft grooves at her temples. Her hair, always scraped back into defiance, hung limp from the humidity. Her eyes looked off.  She remembered what the man had said. The one in the cardigan. “Paper does not forget.” It was absurd. Sentimental. And it had rattled her. Not because he was right, but because a part of her, some small dusty corner, still wanted him to be. She sat down on the edge of the bed, the mattress dipping beneath a weight she hadn’t realised she was carrying. Her hands trembled as she reached for her phone. A message glared up at her: “Well played today. Strategic pivot to anti-fraud talking points was a masterstroke.”

She turned the phone over. There had been a time she used to write in notebooks. Her first job, her first journal. Messy handwriting, black ink smudged by the corner of her hand. It had felt like thinking. She hadn’t written anything longhand in years. She pulled a sheet of hotel stationery from the drawer and picked up the hotel pen.

For a long time she stared at the page. Then she wrote in small script:

“If I stopped running, would there be anything left of me that wasn’t velocity?”

She stared at the sentence. Then crossed it out. Wrote beneath it: “Paper does not forget.” She folded the page in half, placed it beneath her glass, and turned away from the window. She didn’t bother brushing her teeth. Just kicked off her shoes and lay down, fully dressed. Her keynote cards fluttered off the bed and onto the floor. She let them. And for the first time in weeks, she didn’t set an alarm.

VII

The workshop room hummed with the low murmur of anticipation, the kind of polite tension that always preceded the unveiling of another grand illusion. Redefining Value in the Publishing Ecosystem, the slide announced in sleek, emotionless font. The title was so impressively vague that it could have meant anything from the systematic eradication of editors to a new line of monogrammed tote bags.

Karel sat near the back, as was his habit, his eyes sharp beneath furrowed brows. The previous evening’s indignation had not faded but rather settled. It was a fury no longer raw but refined, honed like the edge of a well-worn letter opener, the kind used to slice through rejection letters with exquisite precision.

The speaker—a man who had never needed to lick a stamp in his life—strode to the podium with the kind of confidence only afforded to those who had never known the burden of real labour. He was polished, slick in the way only a corporate man could be, the sort of person who spoke of optimisation while thousands toiled in obscurity beneath the weight of his vision.

Efficiency,” he began, his voice as smooth as his tailored suit. “Scalability. AI-enhanced workflows. This is the future of publishing.”

Karel’s stomach turned. The buzzwords poured forth, light and airy, like the empty calories of an academic soufflé.

“At Devour, we’ve revolutionised the industry. Open Access is no longer a dream; it’s a reality.”

The speaker paused, smiling, as if expecting applause. Karel did not applaud. He did, however, feel the sudden and urgent need to throw something. A reality for whom? he wanted to ask. For those who can afford the article processing charges? For those in institutions so wealthy that the cost of publishing is a line item lost among gala dinners and corporate sponsorships? He pictured the researchers in underfunded institutions, scraping together grants, cutting into their own stipends, desperate for the privilege of being published, while Devour’s executives sipped champagne and talked of democratisation.

The speaker was not finished.

“And with our latest acquisition,” he continued, we’re integrating AI to streamline peer review. Our proprietary algorithm, Peer Review-as-a-Service™, guarantees faster turnaround times and higher reviewer satisfaction.”

Karel let out a derisive snort before he could stop himself. Faster? Yes. Accurate? Debatable. More Satisfaction? Never. He imagined again the faceless algorithm spewing out formulaic feedback: The methodology is sound but could use further elaboration.” Stamp. Next. “This paper is promising but requires more citations.” Stamp. Next.“We appreciate your submission but regret to inform you that” Stamp. Next. And all of it, neatly packaged, wrapped in the illusion of impartiality, and sold at an obscene profit.

Then, just as the audience was settling into the usual rhythm of passive complicity, something unexpected happened. The screen flickered. A live feed, unfiltered, uncurated, appeared before them. A Microsoft Teams chat. Internal. Real-time.

“Ugh, these editors are so old-fashioned.”
“Bet half of them still use fax machines.”
“Did you see the guy yesterday who still mails manuscripts? Literal dinosaur lol.”
“Imagine working for free for 17 years. Can’t relate.”

Gasps rippled through the room. The speaker, his slick veneer of professionalism cracking, fumbled with the controls. A frantic moderator attempted to remove the feed. But it was too late. The words hung in the air like the smell of burnt coffee, bitter, acrid, and impossible to ignore.

Karel’s face burned. His moustache bristled with the full weight of his indignation. He had been called many things in his life—anachronistic, certainly; impractical, perhaps—but dinosaur? And by the very people whose salaries were paid with the bones of the labour he had so willingly, so stupidly, given away? He rose.

“Excuse me,”he said, his voice cutting through the silence, “but am I to understand that this is how the so-called leaders of academic publishing view us? As relics? As dinosaurs?”

All eyes turned to Karel. The speaker, frozen at the podium, looked as if he would very much like to dissolve into the floor.

“Seventeen years!” Karel continued, his voice rising. “Seventeen years of unpaid labour! Seventeen years of licking stamps, deciphering the illegible scrawls of anonymous reviewers, mailing manuscripts by hand, because I believed, foolishly, in the sanctity of this profession!”

He paused, scanning the room.

“And yet here you stand, laughing at us, exploiting us, while you rake in billions from the fruits of our labour!?”

The applause started tentatively, hesitant at first, as if the audience needed permission to rebel. But then it grew, gathering momentum, swelling into something undeniable. A small triumph, yes. But a triumph nonetheless. The speaker’s face had turned a shade of white normally reserved for undercooked fish. With a hurried nod to the moderator, he stepped away from the podium, vanishing from sight. The session was abruptly called to an end. Karel lingered as the room emptied. The fight was far from over. But for the first time in years, he had felt something that had long been absent. Something like power.

VIII

The hotel bar was the kind of place that believed itself sophisticated but was, in truth, merely expensive. Low lighting, brass fixtures, the soft murmur of intellectual fatigue mixed with overpriced gin. The bartender stirred drinks with the solemnity of a man who had seen too much. The chairs were designed for discomfort in the name of elegance, and the entire atmosphere reeked of polished surfaces and curated restraint, the kind that suggested all excess must be paid for in existential despair. It was, in short, the precise opposite of the mood at Karel’s table.

He sat slumped in a slick velvet chair, his cardigan unbuttoned, his tie half-undone, the last of his whiskey swirling like an afterthought in his glass. Across from him, Aoife Keane lounged with the insouciance of someone who had already decided she was drinking on the company’s tab, while Elena Moreno methodically crushed a lemon peel between her fingers, as if it represented the publishing industry itself.

“Well,” Aoife exhaled, stretching her legs beneath the table, “that was spectacular.”

Karel let out a sigh. “I assume you mean my public execution at the hands of Devour Academic Solutions.”

“No, no,” she said breezily. “That was cathartic. I meant the bit where their private team messages accidentally appeared on the conference screen. That was art.”

Elena smirked. “It was,” she admitted. “Although I do wonder if they’re currently trying to delete the evidence or if they’ve already started drafting an apology email so insipid that it will somehow include the phrase We regret any offense caused while standing by our commitment to innovation.”

Karel scowled. “They were laughing at me. Dinosaur lol, wasn’t it?”

Aoife raised an eyebrow. “Well, Karel, you still send manuscripts by post.”

“I told you. I believe in the sanctity of paper.”

“Of course you do.” She took a sip of her wine. “But that’s not really what’s bothering you, is it?”

Karel hesitated, swirling the amber liquid in his glass.

“It’s not,” Elena cut in, leaning forward, unrelenting. “It’s the fact that you gave them seventeen years of free labour, and they mocked you for it.”

Karel inhaled slowly. That was it. That was the unbearable weight pressing against his chest. It wasn’t merely the insult, it was the truth behind it. The truth that he had been a fool. That he had convinced himself his unpaid labour was a service, a duty, when in fact it had simply been exploited. His entire professional identity had been built on the belief that dignity lay in the work itself, not in the compensation. But perhaps that, too, had been a lie.

Aoife watched him carefully. “It’s a sickening thing,” she said, “realising that the house you thought you were building was never yours at all. That you were just laying bricks for someone else.”

The words hit him harder than expected. Because wasn’t that exactly what Anneke had been trying to tell him all those years? “I need you to see me.” And he had dismissed her. Not cruelly, not consciously. But he had dismissed her all the same, offering half-answers, distracted nods, treating her pain as a minor disturbance in the greater scheme of things. Because his work was important. Because his routine mattered. Because he had built a world for himself in which duty came before everything else. And yet, wasn’t that precisely what these corporate executives had done to him? They had smiled, nodded, praised his diligence, right up until the moment they made it clear that he had been irrelevant all along. He had, in the end, been devoured.

Elena sighed and leaned back. “Look, Karel, I’m not saying you need to start worshipping AI, but I am saying that clinging to paper and stamps doesn’t make you immune to the system. It just means you suffer more while they profit regardless.”

He rubbed a hand over his face. “So what are you suggesting?”

She exchanged a look with Aoife.

“We fight back,” Aoife said simply.

Karel let out a weary laugh. “And how do you propose we do that? Stage a coup? Form an underground resistance? Distribute samizdat-style pamphlets on the dangers of corporate monopolisation in publishing?”

Aoife grinned. “Now you’re thinking like a revolutionary.”

Elena smirked. “It’s not as dramatic as you make it sound. We call them out. We demand transparency. We make noise. And,” she leaned in slightly, her expression serious, “we stop giving them our time for free.”

The words settled heavily between them. A crackling sound broke in. A breath of static. The bar’s retro sound system exhaled like an overworked postdoc. And then a voice, sultry and defiant, soaked in whiskey and war stories. “I’m not a good girl, I’m a bad woman… Aoife’s ears perked up. A slow grin spread across her face, something mischievous unfurling beneath her usual acerbic wit.

“Oh, now this,” she murmured, “this is a sign.”

Karel frowned. “A sign of what?”

“A sign,” Aoife said, rising from her stool, “that it’s time for a bit of cultural disruption.”

Before either of them could protest, she had sauntered to the front of the bar, where a battered microphone stood, unused but waiting, much like Karel’s manuscript on God. Elena groaned. “Oh no. She’s doing it.” Aoife turned, her glass raised, her dark Irish eyes gleaming with mischief.

“For the unpaid! For the overworked! For the undercited!”

And then she began to sing. A slow ripple of recognition, approval, and shared exhaustion moved through the room. A woman in a sociology department fleeceraised her drink in solidarity. A philosophy professor, who had spent the last twenty minutes in silent despair, began to sway slightly.

“I drink all night, I stay out late, I make mistakes, but they’re mine to make…”

Someone in the back cheered. Karel sighed, rubbing his temples. “I had suspected as much.” As Aoife delivered the final line, she threw her arms wide, as if to embrace the entire absurdity of the publishing industry. And for a moment, the weight of unpaid labour, of endless peer reviews, of citation metrics and the creeping horror of AI, all of it lifted. Karel clinked his glass against hers. It was, perhaps, the first moment in years that he felt part of something worth believing in.

The third round of drinks had been poured, the bar was growing louder, and Aoife, still basking in the triumph of her impromptu performance, had taken it upon herself to flirt outrageously with a bewildered but clearly interested political theorist two stools over.

Elena, swirling the last of her wine, gave Karel a knowing look. “You’re not really coming to the champagne reception, are you?”

Karel feigned outrage, placing a dramatic hand on his chest.

“Elena, please,” he said, “I have every intention of attending and partaking in the hollow, soulless rituals of the academic elite.”

“Hmm.” Elena took a sip, unimpressed.

Aoife turned back to them, suddenly attentive. “Wait, what’s happening? Karel, darling, are you defecting?”

Karel sighed.

“I will join you later,” he said. “But first, I need air.”

Aoife squinted at him, then at Elena. “This is what men of a certain age say when they are about to fall into an existential crisis in the rain.”

“That’s ridiculous,” Karel said, rising.

“You’re going to stare at a puddle and question everything, aren’t you?”

“I said I’d join you later.”

Elena smirked. “Be careful, Mulder. Too much fresh air and you might start rethinking your entire career.”

He gave them a final nod, shrugged on his coat, and stepped out into the Berlin night. The air outside hit him like a shock of reality—cool, damp, alive. The warmth of the bar, the rattle of glass, the low hum of drunken theorizing, all of it faded. He could have stayed. He could have indulged in another round of camaraderie, another knowing toast to their collective disillusionment. But disillusionment, Karel thought, was best experienced alone.

The champagne reception would still be there when he returned. The clinking of glasses, the self-congratulatory murmurs, the gentle nodding of heads in feigned agreement. All of it would wait. He pulled his cardigan tighter, his indignation bubbling beneath it like a kettle just shy of boiling. His mind drifted back to the Portuguese editor. A man who had watched entire publishing empires rise and fall and had simply adjusted his subscription preferences accordingly. The one who had shrugged, unbothered, as he announced that his journal had defected, as if leaving a sinking ship was not a scandal but a basic survival instinct. Karel envied him, in a way.

There was no great moral struggle in him, no restless need to justify the system or change it from within. He had seen the game for what it was and played accordingly. Perhaps I have been too noble, Karel thought. Perhaps I have mistaken servitude for integrity. He had spent too many years believing in a thing that did not believe in him back. And the Portuguese editor, in his quiet, detached way, had moved on without grief. Was that wisdom? Or just mildly elegant cynicism? And then there was Anneke. A different kind of injustice. A different kind of betrayal. Not by an institution, but by time itself. By the slow, creeping erosion of what had once been bright and certain.

“I need you to see me.” She had said it plainly. And he had heard her. But had he listened? He stopped at a street corner, watching the headlights of passing cars paint fleeting constellations on the wet pavement. He had spent his life predicting patterns. But what use was a theory of the universe if he could not even map the slow unraveling of his own marriage? He had thought that certainty was a kind of love, that dedication to one’s work was an act of fidelity. But Anneke had seen it differently. To her, it had been a quiet abandonment. He had been faithful to his work. But not to her.

He wandered toward a narrow passageway, where a section of the old Berlin Wall still stood, half-covered in rain-darkened graffiti. A remnant of division, left in place as a warning, a monument to folly. What was knowledge but another kind of wall, another way to separate oneself from what truly mattered?

He thought of all the papers he had edited, all the monographs that had passed through his hands, each one carrying some carefully argued theory, some urgent plea for relevance. And yet, when the world truly changed, when walls fell and nations collapsed and histories rewrote themselves overnight, what had academia done? Published special issues about it. He smirked. It was not knowledge itself that was futile. It was the belief that it had ever been more than an echo.

Karel exhaled.

Tomorrow, there would be another session. Another speech to be made, another panel to endure, another polite disagreement that changed nothing at all. But tonight, he would walk. The wind moved through the streets, carrying the sound of distant music, the rustling of leaves, the faint murmur of lives being lived beyond academia. For tonight, he was just a man in a city that did not need him.

IX

The streets were alive with the usual urban symphony. And yet Karel walked as though through fog, his mind replaying the indignities of the day: Devour’s gloating, Anneke’s pouring out over a broken pipe, the relentless parade of statistics, the smug panelist declaring AI would soon write better peer reviews than humans, “more objective and far quicker.” The audience had nodded solemnly, and he had wanted to scream. When the flicker of candlelight caught his eye, it felt almost like a sign. A window framed by red velvet curtains glowed invitingly, the soft light promising something both decadent and absurd. Above the door hung a sign: Fortune Teller Extraordinaire—Your Future Awaits. Beneath it, in smaller, scrawled letters: With Jerome, the Spiritual Dummy.

He hesitated on the threshold. A ventriloquist dummy? Really? But the weight of the day had loosened his usual reserve, and he pushed open the door, stepping into a haze of clove cigarettes and spilt Riesling. Inside, the bar was a peculiar temple to excess. Red velvet draped every surface, and candles sputtered in tarnished brass holders, their wax pooling like tiny, molten sculptures. The bartender, a man who looked as though he’d crawled out of a Kafka novel, sold single cigarettes with one hand and swigged from a bottle of Riesling with the other. Karel slipped into a chair at the back, his cardigan still buttoned up like a shield against whatever madness lay ahead.

The crowd was no less surreal. A young Berliner with lipstick smudged to the point of artistic intent lounged near the stage, mentioning her OnlyFans account to anyone within earshot. A Danish filmmaker scribbled furiously into a notebook, pausing only to sip an Aperol Spritz with studied nonchalance. Across the room, a Polish architect, newly returned from Scotland, gestured wildly as she proclaimed the virtues of affordable housing, her accent a lyrical blend of Kraków and Edinburgh.

Karel clutched the programme he hadn’t thought to discard, feeling as though he had stumbled into a dream he didn’t quite understand. And then, with a flourish of emerald silk, the show began. The fortune teller, a striking woman with piercing brown eyes, swept onto the stage, her ventriloquist dummy cradled in one arm. It was grotesque and grinning, its painted moustache disturbingly reminiscent of the editor’s own.

“Ladies and gentlemen,” she began, her voice smooth and commanding, “tonight you will not find answers, only better questions.”

The dummy, Jerome, clacked his wooden jaw. “And maybe some answers if you’re lucky…or rich.”

The audience chuckled, a low murmur punctuated by the hiss of cigarettes. Karel tried to remain aloof, but he couldn’t help being drawn in. When a nervous audience member asked about love, Jerome replied, “Stop texting your ex at midnight, and you might find some.”

Karel’s moustache twitched, betraying his amusement. Yet as the act went on, he felt an uncomfortable resonance with the dummy. The way Jerome spoke sharp truths while being entirely controlled by another hand. It struck a nerve. Wasn’t he, too, just a dummy in the grand machine of academic publishing? His voice swallowed, his efforts invisible, his labour exploited to feed the profits of Devour and its ilk? As if sensing his unease, Jerome’s painted eyes seemed to turn toward him. The dummy’s grin widened.

“You, sir,” Jerome rasped. “What’s your question?”

Karel froze. The room seemed to blur, the smoke and candlelight closing in. Finally, he cleared his throat. “Am I… am I living my life, or am I just a ventriloquist dummy?”

The room fell silent, the weight of his words hanging heavy in the air. Jerome tilted his head, as though contemplating the profundity of the question.

“Deep,” the dummy said at last. “Maybe stop licking stamps, eh?”

The room erupted into laughter, a wave of sound that rolled through the smoky haze. Karel felt heat rise to his face, but it wasn’t humiliation. It was release. He laughed too. It wasn’t a loud laugh, nor a long one, but it was real. The kind of laugh that shakes something loose inside you. As the show ended, he lingered, watching the strange assortment of characters file out. The Berliner flashed him a conspiratorial smile. The architect pressed a card into his hand, whispering, “If you ever want to talk about housing, find me.” The filmmaker muttered, “Good metaphor,” before disappearing into the night. He sat alone for a moment, the melted wax pooling on the table, the faint echo of Jerome’s voice still rattling in his ears. Perhaps he wasn’t just a dummy after all. Perhaps he could be more. Perhaps, even, there was hope for publishing. Not in Devour’s ruthless efficiency, but in the spirit of true openness.

Karel thought of open access done right: platforms run not for profit, but for progress. Journals where knowledge wasn’t locked behind paywalls, where labour was recognised, where editors weren’t reduced to unpaid ghosts. He pictured a future where collaboration replaced exploitation, where transparency was more than a buzzword, and where authors weren’t just products to be packaged and sold.

The bartender approached, bottle in hand. “Another drink?”

He smiled faintly. “No, thank you,” he said, standing and buttoning his cardigan with a newfound sense of purpose. “I think I’ve had enough for tonight.” And as he stepped back into the Berlin night, the air thick with promise and cigarette smoke, he felt lighter somehow. Tomorrow, there would be more smug panellists, more talk of metrics and AI.

X

The streets stretched before Karel Mulder, slick with rain, their puddles glinting like spilled mercury under the amber glow of the streetlamps. The city had shed its urgency, emptied of its daytime quarrels and negotiations. Somewhere, his colleagues were celebrating their victories—real or imagined—over clinking champagne glasses, exchanging business cards and vague promises of collaboration, already half-forgetting the grand ideas that had seemed so urgent mere hours ago. Karel had no such desire for company. He walked without a destination, his coat pulled tight against the damp air, his mind a carousel of unfinished thoughts. He had not won, not truly. But for the first time in years, he had said something aloud that had needed to be said. And that, perhaps, was something.

And then, as he turned onto a narrow, rain-darkened street, he saw Nina Roth.

She walked slowly, hands tucked into the pockets of her coat, shoulders set as straight as ever but lacking their usual sharpened precision. She no longer looked like a panther about to strike, but rather a woman walking off the day, unwinding herself, untangling the tightly coiled spring of efficiency she had wound so carefully each morning. Her immaculate charcoal-grey coat, which all week had given her the air of a woman immune to wrinkles, literal or metaphorical, now hung looser on her frame, the rain darkening the fabric. The armour had slipped.

Karel hesitated. He could turn back. He could duck into an alley, pretend he hadn’t seen her, avoid the risk of whatever conversation might follow. But something about her, the unguarded way she moved, the quiet solitude of her presence, compelled him to step forward. His shoes clicked against the cobblestones, and at the sound, Nina turned.

“Ah,” she said, her voice steady, unreadable. “Herr Mulder.”

“Frau Roth,” he replied with a nod.

They stood for a moment in a hush, neither moving to close the distance nor to walk away. Rain pattered softly around them, collecting in the cracks of the pavement, washing the world clean in ways that were only ever temporary.

Karel shifted. “Walking off the workshop?”

Her lips curved, just slightly. It wasn’t the knowing, calculating smile she wore so well. This was smaller, softer.

“Something like that,” she said. “You?”

“I find it helps,” he said. “A walk, I mean. Clears the head.”

She considered this for a moment, then gestured faintly down the street. “Would you mind the company? Or do you prefer to walk alone?”

“I don’t mind,” he said.

Their steps were slightly out of sync at first but found a rhythm quickly, falling into an easy, companionable silence. The air thick with the scent of wet stone and woodsmoke. Karel had spent his life in the company of words, and yet now, as they walked side by side, he found himself grateful for the lack of them. Finally, it was Nina who spoke.

“You know,” she said, her voice low, thoughtful, “I don’t think I’ve ever really been to Berlin before.”

Karel glanced at her, surprised. “No?”

She shook her head. “I never seem to go anywhere except for work.”

He nodded, something about the quiet honesty of her admission catching him off guard.

“And you?” she asked.

“I don’t travel much,” he admitted. “I prefer my routines.” He paused, glancing at her. “But I suppose that wouldn’t suit someone like you.”

A small laugh. “Someone like me,” she echoed. “And what do you think that is?”

Karel hesitated, choosing his words carefully. “Efficient,” he said finally. “Focused.”

Her smile turned wry. “That’s one way to put it.”

She stopped walking, her gaze lifting to the windows of an apartment across the street, their glow painting faint halos against the rain.

“Do you know what I do when I’m not working?” she asked.

Karel studied her. “No,” he admitted. “I can’t say that I do.”

“Neither can I,” she said simply. “I’ve been working for so long, I think I’ve forgotten.”

Her words hung between them, and for a moment, Karel didn’t know how to respond. He had spent the day thinking of her as an adversary: efficient, clinical, a woman who spoke of AI-enhanced workflows as though human effort was little more than a mild inconvenience. But now, here she was, admitting something he hadn’t expected to hear.

“I suppose,” she continued, “it’s easy to lose yourself in something like this. The deadlines, the systems, the constant push to stay ahead. It’s a machine, and it doesn’t stop.”

Karel nodded slowly. “And you?” he asked. “Do you stop?”

She looked at him then, her eyes reflecting the streetlights. “Not often,” she admitted. “And you?”

Karel let out a small, rueful laugh. “I think I’ve stopped too much.” He sighed, adjusting his coat. “Maybe that’s why I’m still here, clinging to paper and stamps while the rest of the world moves on.”

Nina tilted her head slightly, considering. “You’re not wrong to hold on to some things,” she said. “But maybe there’s a balance. Between the old and the new.”

He let the words settle. “Maybe,” he said finally. “But it’s hard to find, isn’t it?”

She nodded. “Yes,” she admitted. “It is.”

They walked on, their pace pressing its quiet stories into the spaces between their words. After a while, Nina stopped. She turned to him, her expression unreadable but not distant.

“You know,” she said, “I’ve been doing this job for so long, I don’t think I ever stopped to ask myself why. Not really. Not until now.”

Karel held her gaze. “And do you have an answer?”

She smiled, small, unguarded. “Not yet,” she said.

“Maybe that’s the first step,” he said softly. “Asking the question.”

She nodded. “Maybe.”

The rain began to thicken again, cool drops tapping against their coats. Nina glanced down the street.

“I should go,” she said. “It’s late.”

Karel nodded. “Yes. It is.”

She extended her hand. He took it. Her grip was firm but warm, steady in a way that surprised him.

“Good night, Herr Mulder,” she said.

“Good night, Frau Roth.”

And then she turned, her figure dissolving into the rain-soaked shadows.

Karel lingered in the stillness, his ears again attuned to the pulse of the city. His thoughts drifted, not to the conference, nor to Devour, nor even to the sharp sting of his own realizations. Instead, they wandered to Sophie. Nina, now, was his new Sophie. A figure who had surpassed him in ways he never imagined. She had once stood across from him like this, in a different city, in a different time. She had once spoken with quiet urgency, asking him to acknowledge her wisdom. And he had nodded then, too, as he did now. And then he had walked away. Aas he did now. Had he ever stopped to ask himself why?

Karel sighed and turned back toward the hotel. He had no answers yet, but perhaps, just perhaps, he had finally begun to ask the right questions. Back in his hotel room, he sat at the small desk, staring at the blank paper before him. His resignation letter. His manifesto. His confession. He thought about how foolish he had been over Sophie-limerence-what else could it have been ? Nothing true that is for sure.

He picked up a pen, hesitated, then began to write.

“Dear Anneke—”

He paused.

For the first time in years, he wasn’t certain how the sentence should end.

An invitation: Lost Predictions as novella, syllabus and glitch in the machine of academic publishing

What happens when the prediction fails, but the system marches on as if it hadn’t? When the algorithm forgets what the body remembers? When an entire epistemic infrastructure shifts beneath your feet, and you’re told to be grateful for the newfound “agility”?

Lost Predictions is not a cry for the past. It is not a polemic against machines. It is not even, really, a story about publishing. It is a crack in the fantasy of smooth futures. A novella that stages the slow implosion of one man’s academic life—his marriage, his methods, his metrics—while implicating us all in the devouring logic of optimisation. Authored by Fiona Murphy, Eva van Roekel Cordiviola and an AI named ChatGPT, the work collapses the divide between critique and complicity, satire and structure.

We offer this novella not as a diagnosis, not even as an argument, but as a provocation. It does not ask: do you agree? It asks: where does it hurt? Where does it itch? What forms of knowing are dissolving in your hands? What quiet refusals are you making, daily, just to survive in a system where velocity without memory prevails?

Writing with AI is itself part of the problem and part of the play. It’s a critique of automation through collaboration with it. A tongue-in-cheek experiment in co-authorship that is also a serious inquiry into authorship, ethics and control. It is a paradox we’re sitting with: using the tool that threatens to erase us to write ourselves back in—glitchy, fallible, human. What does it mean to write with and against at the same time? We don’t claim to resolve this tension. We write in it.

We are inviting you—not your citation metrics, not your conference paper formatted in Helvetica 12—to respond. Through text, sound, image, code, gesture, puppet show, PowerPoint nightmare, or speculative review. Send us your weird, your humour, your angry, your mourning. Rewrite the ending. Animate the middle. Respond completely anew, as you wish. Do it anonymously or under your real name. Do it messily. Do it with love. Or don’t love it at all—just let it provoke something. Because in the echo chamber of “innovation,” we need stories that rupture. We need aesthetic disruptions that don’t solve but unsettle.

On the Public Anthropologist site, we will be gathering these responses under the banner: What Was Lost, What Still Refuses.

This is not a special issue. It is not a curated forum. It is an open door. And later, this door becomes a space. The novella and your response ecology will be installed as a multimodal, living syllabus—a site of shared breakdown and speculative pedagogy in a number of conference sites (maybe even return to Berlin, who knows?). A place where publishing is no longer submission, but interruption. A place to gather the fragments and refuse the smooth. Because refusal, too, is a form of relation. And sometimes the most honest response is to leave the page unfinished, and let others pick up the thread.

—FM, EvRC, & the ghost in the machine.

Please send your responses to antonio.delauri@cmi.no.

The Laughing Perpetrator

This blog post is part of the Seminar Reconceptualizing Warfare and Its Experience, April 10, 2025, funded by the WARFUN project.

In photo and video material of violent conflict, a phenomenon regularly occurs that needs interpretation: perpetrators of violence who appear to enjoy their actions, or bystanders laughing or smiling while others commit violence. While laughter is popularly associated with relaxation, the laughter of perpetrators and bystanders seems to contrast severely with acts of violence and humiliation.

Even more so, watching videos and photos or reading stories about laughing and joking perpetrators arouses incomprehension and sometimes even outrage among a more distant public. Especially for those who connect or sympathize with the victim(s), the combination of humor, frenzy, and violence feels extremely confrontational, revealing shocking apathy or even sadism. Accepting that a perpetrator is cruel is one thing but accepting that a perpetrator enjoys killing or mocks victims certainly is another.

The phenomenon of the laughing perpetrator is widely reported, mainly by those who sympathize with the victims or who are traumatized heirs of victim groups. Laughing at humiliation or killing in the microspace of violence and the ‘afterlives’ of such settings through photos, videos, or narratives raises two questions that I will address in this blog. The first question is, simply put, why do actors (perpetrators or bystanders) laugh in settings of violence? The second question is rougher: how do the – what I call – visual and narrative ‘afterlives’ of these settings produce conflict-interpretations, and why? This second question is important because interpretations of laughing perpetrators are often fundamentally dehumanizing, reducing the perpetrator to a sadist or an inhuman monster.

In the history of conflict and war photography, the laughing perpetrator appears in iconic photos and video footage: The enthusiastic crowd attending the lynching of a black American (Sontag 2003, 72-3; Smith 2021, 2-4); the smiling German soldiers making Jews brush the pavement in Vienna (see: Jewish Shoah Center), the seemingly smiling Ustaše about to sew through the neck of Branko Jungić (see: Free Republic), the American prison guards smiling at the pile of naked Iraqi prisoners at Abu Ghraib; IDF soldiers mocking Palestinians and Palestinian culture and habits online; these pictures and videos often have assertive afterlives as they reverberate sometimes for generations. They influence how we look at past conflicts, how we distance ourselves from the conflict spaces of these perpetrators and bystanders and imagine our position at the good side of history. This material – videos but mostly photographs – may eventually become part of collective antagonistic memories about monstrous perpetrators and vulnerable victims. If this happens, understanding the laughing perpetrators as human equals condoning them. But not understanding this perpetrator blocks a sharper analysis of why (some) people commit or even seem to enjoy violence under certain circumstances.

In addition to this visual material, the laughing perpetrator, who seems to enjoy war, battle, humiliation, and even killing, appears in many narratives, from zones of exception like concentration camps and prison camps, to war zones, combat zones, and street fights. The narrative about the laughing perpetrator contradicts interpretations of conflict, warfare, and violence as exceptional, serious business (De Lauri et al 2024). In this blog, I will confine myself to the visual witnesses of this perpetrator and ask why specifically photo and video material of laughing perpetrators has such intense afterlives. How do these visualized smiles, cheers, laughs, or gloats contribute to the intensification of memory and the iconization of suffering, and why? In other words, is it a coincidence that at least some of the photos and videos I described above are familiar to you, the reader? I would argue that it is not, but rather that the very smiles seen on this material for viewers contrast sharply with the violence on display and thus contribute to the notoriety or even iconization of the material. This sheds light on how we perceive laughing and how we perceive violence and human emotions.

Let’s be clear about this: the iconization of the laughing perpetrator is not inherent to the setting of violence where killing or humiliation occurs. The microspace of violence differs greatly from the public, political, and academic spaces of interpretation where the iconization occurs. As the Warfun project shows, based on narratives from those who experienced the ‘fog of war’ firsthand, human emotions do not stop at the frontline of conflict. Excitement, release, anger, fear, joy, compassion, camaraderie, cruelty, surprise “coexist,” while together, “these emotions shape the way war permeates the memories and bodies of those who experience it” (De Lauri 2024). Photos and videos become iconized in the external spaces of violence, where strategy, outrage, and interpretation take place. Such photos and videos are snapshots of a situation, often created by those belonging to the group of the perpetrators and frequently intended to impress the home front. However, interpretations are activated as this material survives the conflict and swaps context. The laugh may become a token of the inhumane sadism and monstrosity of the laughing perpetrators and bystanders, and creates spaces for the distant onlooker to morally disidentify.

Understanding Laughter

The laughing perpetrator is problematic because laughter and violence don’t mix well in most people’s interpretation. Additionally, what is humorous varies among individuals and requires specific commitments to cultural norms and (political, religious) beliefs. What may be benign for some can be offensive to others, which can actually also be part of the fun. For example, Muhammad cartoons may be amusing for those who are not devout Muslims; the artwork ‘piss Christ’ by artist Andres Serrano can be ‘hurtful’ for devout Christians; jokes about the victim-groups of genocides are not well received by those empathizing with the victims; and jokes about traumatic events are generally unwelcome immediately after the event, such as jokes about 9/11. However, sometimes the shocked reactions of others can enhance the enjoyment, as the responses to the Danish Mohammed cartoons illustrate. Additionally, the taunting of victims from a seemingly threatening outgroup can become a spectacle in political arenas, exemplified by Venezuelan immigrant men who have their heads shaved, then are demeaned by their guards and led away. U.S. President Donald Trump presented a video of this during the 100-day celebration of his second term in Michigan in April 2025, as a cheerful crowd chanted “USA, USA” while watching the video. Clearly, humiliation can raise joy and can be seen as benign for a belief-sharing ingroup, but it can be considered offensive and shocking by groups that identify with or sympathize with the target group. This type of humor is generally referred to as schadenfreude.

Schadenfreude is the German term for deriving amusement or pleasure from someone else’s misfortune. It is, nevertheless, a pleasant feeling. According to Niels van de Ven, schadenfreude neutralizes envy, the feeling that often precedes the pleasure of another’s misfortune (van de Ven 2014, 115). Richard Smith (2013) argues that “the more a misfortune seems deserved, the more likely schadenfreude is in the open, free of shame” (xiv). Indeed, at the background of schadenfreude lies a moral universe that directs how we perceive what is just, proportional, and fits our understandings of hierarchy. We feel elevation if a ‘wrongdoer’ or someone who has trespassed our moral perspectives on social situations faces misfortune. Nevertheless), there exist further elements to consider in this context, which extend beyond the relational models that govern human belief and behavior. Generally speaking, people love feelings of being better and superior. People strive towards superiority and self-pride along the lines of culturally valued moral dimensions. As a result, our striving towards superiority continually ‘evaluates’ the efforts of others. Being in the dynamics of competition, the other’s superior position or superior way of doing things, degrades my position. The inferiority of others, however, makes me feel better about myself. This works at an individual, but also, and maybe even stronger, at a collective level where feelings of being superior can be shared and related to the inferiority of categorical ‘others’.

In the domain of social psychology, the concept of humor and laughter is examined through the lens of asymmetry, as evidenced by the use of terms such as ‘envy’ or – even stronger – ‘resentment’.  Envy, Niels van de Ven (2014, 115) writes, is an important antecedent of schadenfreude. Envy and resentment could be interpreted as what Cikara and Fiske call “counter-empathic respondings” (Cikara & Fiske 2013). A counter-empathic responding is the result of intergroup empathy bias and points to the pleasure felt in response to out-group members’ pain or suffering. Cikara and Fiske write, based on empirical material, that “[t]hese counter-empathic responses may at best allow indifference to others’ suffering, and at worst facilitate harm against them.” This might turn up in situations of violent conflict and war where people bond strongly with their national ingroup and may feel elevation or even celebration upon the enemy’s violent defeat. The appreciation of humor, Zillmann and Cantor write, is maximal “when our friends humiliate our enemies, and minimal when our enemies manage to get the upper hand over our friends” (Zillmann & Cantor 1976, 100-1). This may also be emphasized further as these ‘enemies’ are not necessarily combatants but can also be civilians representing features that belong to the outgroup, such as religion or dress, or may have been discursively framed as threatening ‘our’ moral society and labelled as rapists, thieves, gang members, and profiteers, like the Venezuelan males led away on the video shown by President Trump in the presence of a cheering crowd. Rejoicing in another’s misfortune is not so far-fetched anyway, especially not if the ‘other’s misfortune’ seems deserved.

Laughing in Times of Violence

Can we now better understand the laughing perpetrator? It is not uncommon for perpetrators of violence to deride and taunt their potential victims. The function of laughter (which is thus not necessarily the same as humor) while committing violence can have many reasons, including destressing the situation by ridiculing it, and bonding with peers. But often, escalations of violence presume a severe difference between ingroup perpetrators and bystanders on the one, and (potential) outgroup victims on the other. Indeed, structurally, this is comparable to the condition of schadenfreude discussed above. The two Columbine shooters, Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold, for example, were reported to have laughed during their attack on the high school kids in Columbine in 1999. Their laughing evolved into a rhythmic bonding that created an alternative space and might have made their attack less stressful. Discussing several instances where perpetrators were reported laughing while killing others, Randall Collins understands ‘laughter’ in such situations as elements of a moral holiday. A moral holiday is a free zone in time and space, “an occasion and a place where the feeling prevails that everyday restraints are off; individuals feel protected by the crowd and are encouraged in normally forbidden acts. Often there is an atmosphere of celebration, or at least exhilaration; it is a heady feeling of entering a special reality, separate and extraordinary, where there is little thought for the future and no concern for being called to account” (2008, 243). Weenink (2013) writes that the term ‘moral holiday’ covers the “the unpleasant and unpalatable fact that people actually enjoy disorder and destruction.” Often, being together allows people in such situations to allow “each one’s mood to feed off the other’s”. As a result, they can be locked into a “mood of frenzy and hysterical elation”. For Collins, this direct social context is decisive. He calls this a hot rush and describes how emotions explode during an attack that remains unopposed. i.e., during a situation of extreme asymmetry between perpetrator and victim: “anger, release from tension/fear, elation, hysterical laughter, sheer noisiness (…) all of these are generating a social atmosphere in which persons keep on doing what they are doing, over and over” (2008, 94).  This atmosphere is created through an asymmetrical entrainment: “the winner becomes entrained in its own rhythm of attack”. The winner’s moves are “reinforced by the moves of the loser” (2008, 103; Collins 2022). Although Collins and Weenink use the metaphor of the moral holiday, this does not mean that the emotions they describe that erupt in the microspace of violence are extraordinary or exceptional. What is exceptional is the killing, not the feeling of superiority, or the pleasure of feeling power over others, or the elevation felt if one feels the support of a group of bystanders, or the schadenfreude felt if ‘the enemy’ is degraded. Killing is and remains extraordinary, but what leads up to the microspace of violence, the difference that is discursively and politically created between groups of people, the enjoyment of humiliating the ‘bad guys’, isn’t extraordinary at all.  

The Afterlives of a Smile: Haunting Photographs

Now that we have approached the laughing perpetrator through some theories on humor and violence, let’s try to understand why precisely this laughter reverberates throughout history so severely.

Hugo Burkhard, a concentration camp prisoner, recalls how he will never forget the “horrible appearance of a tortured man and the satanic grinning SS scoundrel” who forced him to eat his own feces (cit in Westermann 74). Schadenfreude, confirming ingroup sympathy and outgroup bias, might transform into ‘schadenweh’ (from Weh, ‘hurt’) for those who sympathize or identify with the victims.

In addition to Burkhard’s context, settings of strong victim humiliation and perpetrator power can transcend their immediate contexts through visualities such as photos and videos that migrate into other areas where people empathize with the victims. Here, these materials have afterlives and may gain new meanings. Especially grimaces, smiles, and laughter contribute to the reputation and iconization of such materials.

In 2007, pictures were published in several Western news media outlets showing girls, women, and some men having great fun. In commentaries, these laughing people were placed in stark contradiction to their actual roles in the extermination machinery of Auschwitz. For example, Mail Online journalist Allan Hall (2007) reports that the photos “underline the sickening hypocrisy of the servants of Nazism – morally bankrupt, illimitably cruel – and yet able to laugh, joke, drink and sunbathe as if they were no different to anyone else.” Although this picture didn’t show violence, it was the absence of violence that highlighted the contradiction with the cultural memories of the observers in 2007, in which Nazi guards are labeled as inhuman monsters. This and other interpretations exceptionalize brutality by detaching it from human emotions (see De Lauri 2024), making it more difficult to understand how human emotions and human relations function in places like Auschwitz or during moral holidays, as explained above.

A picture that obtained an iconic reputation and became part of cultural archives guarded by those who identify with the victim group, is the 1942 photograph showing ustaše militia posing while threatening to saw through the neck of a Serbian man (Branko Jungić). This picture has a rich afterlife on the internet and is often shown in online contexts discussing ustaše brutality. Three of the five ustaše are shown smiling in the picture. The picture was found in the pocket of a dead ustaše in 1945. According to a webpage dedicated to him in 2002 (!), Jungić refused to convert to Roman Catholicism. The site continues by stressing that his “martyrdom” represents the culmination of the suffering of the Serbian Orthodox people in Potkozar (Potkozarje).

In the TikTok age, soldiers use humor to bond with support groups at home, portray bravery, and tease or mock critics, as seen in provocative TikToks by Israeli soldiers fighting in Gaza. Such posts challenge norms, spread schadenfreude, and depict violence with levity. For example, in 2024, “Yazmine” reposted a video of a young man wearing an IDF uniform who says, “We are looking for babies but there are no babies left,” smiling broadly. A woman’s voice asks, “What babies? Say again,” to which the man replies, “No, maybe I kill a girl she was twelve but I looking for a baby.” The video picked up by ‘Yazmine’ was published at a time when international media was focusing on the fate of young children and babies in Gaza, while Israeli shows and press (although certainly not all) were downplaying the number of victims mentioned in international press and by the UN. “There are no babies left in Gaza” is a slogan that has been repeated several times, for example, also by Israeli football fans during the clash in Amsterdam in November 2024. Responses to Yazmine’s TikTok repost are interesting as they show a strong dehumanization of this Israeli soldier and Israeli soldiers more generally. Most respondents to the video take the soldier’s words literally and seriously. Among the more than 4500 mostly shocked comments, the words “disgusting” and “nazi” were very frequently used. Could it be that these shocking responses and disgust arise not only from the violent image that emphasizes the asymmetry between perpetrators and victims but also because this asymmetry is deepened by the smiles of the perpetrators? These pictures lend themselves well to being reactivated in different, or in later historical contexts, as meaningful references to ingroup suffering and outgroup bias. They also lend themselves to reversing the asymmetrical relationship expressed in the photographs, denying the perpetrators their humanity or portraying them as inhumane and incomprehensible.

As mentioned above, most pictures and video footage are created by those belonging to the perpetrator group. Sometimes, pictures and videos are designed to tease or shock. At other times, they aim to demonstrate to the home front what the warriors do to the despised enemy. Interpretations of laughing perpetrators show strong positionalities, disidentifying with the perpetrator’s emotions and actions, which easily leads to the dehumanization of the perpetrator and blocks understanding. However, this iconic dehumanization of the laughing perpetrator not only mystifies perspectives on what violence is and how to prevent it but also risks contributing to the same binary interpretation and dehumanizing dynamics that might have created the setting in which the perpetrator laughed. Taking emotions seriously, recognizing them, and understanding them is an important step to understanding violence and possibly to preventing it. After all, the emotion of being cheerful at another’s misfortune is, as we have seen, an all too human emotion.

References

Cikara Mina, and Susan T. Fiske ST. ‘Stereotypes and schadenfreude.’ In: Van Dijk, Wilco W., and Jaap W. Ouwerkerk, eds. Schadenfreude: Understanding Pleasure at the Misfortune of Others. Cambridge University Press; 2014:151-169.

Collins, Randall. 2008. Violence. A Micro-sociological Theory. Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press.

Collins, Randall. 2022. Explosive Conflict. Time-Dynamics of Violence. New York an London: Routledge.

De Lauri, Antonio. 2024. ‘Coda: the experience of war beyond exceptionalism.’ In War & Society, 44 (1): 172–177. https://doi.org/10.1080/07292473.2024.2409534

De Lauri, Antonio, Luigi Achilli, Iva Jelušić, Eva Johais & Heidi Mogstad. 2025. ‘Introduction to the special issue: war and fun: exploring the plurality of experiences and emotional articulations of warfare and soldiering.’ In War & Society, 44 (1), https://doi.org/10.1080/07292473.2024.2409532

Fiske, Alan Page & Tage Shakti Rai. 2015. Virtuous Violence, Hurting and Killing to Create, Sustain, End, and Honor Social Relationships. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Hall, Allen. 2007. ‘Day-Off from Auschwitz: The laughing death-camp guards at play.’ In Mail Online 19 September. Day off from Auschwitz: The laughing death-camp guards at play | Daily Mail Online

Potkozarje. 2002. BRANKO JUNGIĆ (1914 – 8. juli 1942).

Smith, David Livingstone. 2021. Making Monsters. The Uncanny Power of Dehumanization. Cambridge MA & London: Harvard University Press.

Smith, Richard H. 2013. The Joy of Pain. Schadenfreude and the Dark Side of Human Nature. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Sontag, Susan. 2003. Regarding the Pain of Others. New York, N.Y.: Farrar, Straus and Giroux.

Van de Ven, Niels. 2014. ‘Malicious envy and schadenfreude.’ In: Van Dijk Wilco W., and Ouwerkerk Jaap W. eds. Schadenfreude: Understanding Pleasure at the Misfortune of Others. Cambridge University Press; 2014:110-117.

Weenink, Don. 2013. Decontrolled by solidarity: Understanding recreational violence in moral holidays. Ann Arbor, MI: Michigan Publishing, University of Michigan Library November.

Zillmann, D., & J. R. Cantor. 1976. ‘A disposition theory of humour and mirth.’ In  Chapman, A.J., and H. C. Foot, eds., Humor and laughter: Theory, research and applications. London, England: John Wiley & Sons: 97-115.

International Joking Relationships

This blog post is part of the Seminar Reconceptualizing Warfare and Its Experience, April 10, 2025, funded by the WARFUN project.

What can soldier humour tell us about international relations? To begin with, humour is a universal social practice that includes, broadly speaking, “attempts to incite, provoke or express amusement (Wedderburn 2021, 7). It is due to this ordinariness that humour has increasingly been taken serious as a conceptual needle for taking a biopsy of international relations (Brassett, Browning, and Wedderburn 2021). The surging interest in humour is not an escape from politics but grows out of a sociological understanding of international relations as an outcome of everyday practice (Wedderburn 2021, 2, 3, 5, 26-28). Since humour is such a common mode of social interaction it lends itself to examining the social and political relations that it reflects, maintains, and challenges.

The ubiquity of humour as social practice implies that it also occurs in settings and situations that are considered antithetical to fun and amusement. At first sight, the military appears to be such a humour-free, bleak and harsh social environment: soldiers relinquish civil liberties, discipline their bodies in drill exercises, subject themselves at the mercy of superiors, and accept the possibility of injury and death. In spite – or because – of these conditions, military scholars acknowledge that humour forms an integral part of soldier culture (Ben-Ari and Sion 2005; Godfrey 2016; Hockey 2006 (1986), 56–57, 72, 172-175; Sløk-Andersen 2019; Johais 2025; Tidy 2021).

This soldierly humour culture is particularly instructive for the study of international relations because soldiers are at the forefront of the everyday production of these relations during multinational operations or in other settings of transnational military cooperations. It is this assumption that motivates the following exploration of German soldiers’ international joking relationships. Empirically, it draws on a research project on soldier humour that entailed in-depth interviews and group discussions with thirty-five current or former members of the German armed forces (Bundeswehr), observations at social events of veteran associations, during visits at Bundeswehr facilities and at the Bundeswehr Day 2022 in Warendorf.

The concept of joking relationships was originally coined by the British social anthropologist Alfred Radcliffe-Brown to describe a kind of ritualised banter in indigenous African societies. Joking relationships permit or require the persons involved to make fun of the other and thereby express mutual recognition of common “kinship or other types of social bonds” (Radcliffe-Brown 1952, 90; Apte 1985, 30). It is the ambiguity of humour that creates the possibility to reinforce and negotiate social hierarchies in a playful “combination of friendliness and antagonism” (Radcliffe-Brown 1952, 91). By joking, soldiers acknowledge each other as members of the same – the soldier – kin. At the same time, the special configuration of the respective joking relationship reveals soldiers’ geopolitical conceptions.

The contribution will first sketch German soldiers’ conception of the ‘shameful self’, that is the concerns regarding the use of humour in multinational setting. Afterwards, it examines German soldiers’ joking relationships with their American, British, and French kin.

The shameful self

The main framework for the Federal Republic of Germany’s military collaboration is the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). In the context of the NATO alliance,
humour is frequently used as an icebreaker in first encounters with new
counterparts from allied forces and to loosen up lessons during multinational
trainings (Interview 17.10.2022). And it is traditional practice that jokes lampoon national character traits. Illustrative of that, NATO appropriated as early as 1988 a cartoon about the reputed characteristics of the alliance’s members and turned it into official greeting cards sold at the NATO headquarters and a table mat for an official NATO dinner (Lambiek Comiclopedia 2025)[1] Another variant of this genre is the joke about a ‘good NATO’ in which the different nationals have tasks commensurate with their special skills – British policemen, German engineers, Italian cooks – and a ‘bad NATO’ with reversed roles (Interview 17.10.2022).

German soldiers are, however, reluctant to blend in with their foreign comrades by joining in the laughter. The reason is the feeling of grief and shame that Germans have cultivated as the dominant collective emotions in the commemoration of the Second World War (Näser-Lather 2018, 109–10). Or as a soldier put it: “We Germans think a lot more about this historical background than other nations” (Interview 17.10.2022). The historical burden puts German soldiers in delicate situations:

“It is always difficult for a German if historical jokes come up – as is common practice at NATO. For instance, a Dutch once asked me: ‘How long does it take from Berlin to Amsterdam?’ ‘No idea,‘ I replied. And he said: ‚Five days by tank.‘[1] *laughs briefly* Can be funny or not. It was funny for him but for me – wearing a German uniform – it was unacceptable to show that I find it funny. Perhaps we would have laughed together if in twos. But you never know how the third nation in the room perceives it. And then you always appear as the reluctant German who cannot laugh.”

Due to the historical responsibility, German soldiers exert a self-control that is at odds with humour (Interview 17.10.2022):

“The essence of humour is to react without thinking and laught out spontaneously or not. Even though in this case the Dutch mocked himself, it is difficult. You start thinking and that makes it technical. And I think that’s why we Germans bear the stamp ‘unfunny’.”

The self-control in jovial multinational get-together is thus a real social handicap and reinforces the stereotype of the dour Germans. An option for preventing to be left behind completely and benefit from humour’s positive social functions is to use harmless or self-deprecating humour (Interview 17.10.2022):

“Therefore, in international contexts, if I don’t know the people, I only make jokes about myself or about Germany. That is always safe.“

German reticence likewise applies to the humour culture among German soldiers and is enforced through institutional policies. However, the military’s norms of proper soldierly conduct reflect not only the German memory culture with its responsibility for past atrocities perpetrated based on a racist and nationalist ideology. In addition, soldier humour culture has changed because the armed forces have kept up with society’s norms of appropriateness. Accordingly, it has been affected by the new awareness of sensibilities and heightened respect for minorities including that homosexuality is widely accepted. The most immediate impact on soldier culture came, however, from structural reforms, namely the admission of women to all military branches in 2001 and the suspension of compulsory service in 2011. A middle-aged soldier experienced a transformation of soldier humour in three stages (Interview 17.10.2022):

„Our own humour has changed drastically. Well, I know three armed forces: I know an army with conscripts, only men. I know a draft army that included women. And a professional army with men and women.“

He stressed that the integration of women changed the conversational tone most incisively:

“On the one hand, you don’t make the jokes that men share among themselves anymore when girls are present – only if girls do that as well. But we condition our humour strongly – and I think that is really deplorable – because we always believe that somebody will come and complain. Then what might have been said gets politicized. It is going to be felt as sexually suggestive or whatever. Thus, humour has changed extremely.”

As a result, jokes about minorities and jokes about gender, respectively sexist jokes are nowadays officially tabooed (Interviews 06.04.2022; 08.07.2022, 17.10.2022; 08.07.2022). However, this does not mean that such jokes have completely disappeared as all interviews with female soldiers testified (Interviews 22.07.2022; 26.10.2022; 7.11.2022).

In multinational settings, the German military is less wary of gender discrimination but anxious to suppress anti-democratic, chauvinist, and racist jokes that glorify the German past, suggest a superiority of the German nation, or disparage other people and cultures (cf. Interviews 17.10.2022; 14.06.2022). For instance, the command of the German armed forces quickly banned a patch with the lettering “Pork Eating Crusaders” that circulated among soldiers in Afghanistan.

Figure 2: Patch “Pork Eating Crusader”; Source: by courtesy of interviewee

The English lettering is allegedly translated in Persian or Arabic. However, it only takes letters from the Persian/Arabic alphabet that resemble the Latin letters instead of transferring the meaning in another language. The lettering encircles the image of a crusader – it can be guessed that his breastplate bears a cross – who holds a haunch in his raised hand.

Another example of institutional prudence demonstrates that well-meant can be the opposite of well done and illustrates the risks of wordplays in multinational settings (Interview 15.06.2022): In face of an imminent deployment to Afghanistan, the general of the 1. armoured division wanted to boost morale and camaraderie and initiated a competition for an official patch design.[2] The competition’s objective was an inclusive design that would praise the division’s pride but not hurt anybody’s feelings and, hence, all proposals that were too martial or pretentious were rejected. In the end, the general approved of a design that was little inventive – and thereby not offensive: it displayed an abbreviation of the division’s official name “Die 1”. In German, “die” is the feminine form of the definite article. For a German, the patch thus simply says “the first”. An American soldier was, however, amazed about this open prompt – or even curse – to “die first” when he caught sight of a German officer wearing the new patch: “You Germans really have the guts!” To him, the patch must have signalled that German soldiers were steely determined to beat any adversaries in a battle of life and death. In his effort to reconcile fun with control, the general had missed the literal meaning for English-speakers. And the end of the story confirmed the national stereotype once more: While the other nations were laughing, the German command prohibited and destroyed the patch immediately.

The big brother

On this occasion, the American soldier displayed more sense of humour than the Germans – probably precisely because the patch signalled an unexpected audacity. But apart from this exception humour has never been among the characteristics attributed to American soliders. Instead, ‚the American‘ represented the all-powerful big brother bursting with an abundance of consumer goods and facilities and excelling in operational efficiency.[3] However, the tribute paid for that is poisoned by conceit toward the lack of culture and intellect. The equation of ‘American’ with consumer culture strikes, for instance, from threads of the ‘Bundeswehrforum’[4] where it is used as an established term for the supply with a multitude of services and facilities. And in one of my interlocutors triggered the memory of the Bagram Air Base in Afghanistan a veritable storm of enthusiasm (Interview 22.07.2022):

“The Americans had a PX[5] and a shop. They had a city! *tone of voice gets louder and increasingly excited* They had a pizzeria! They had everything! You became crazy! I thought I’m in cockaigne!”

The American dream was so attractive that the informal practice of ‘Jukuhu’ tours to American bases developed:

“‘Jukuhu‘ [pron. yookoohoo] was the codeword for ‘I don’t have a relevant order but I really want to go there because I must buy food or something else’.”

With the codeword, soldiers camouflaged their desire amidst the regular radio communication and the practice was eventually captured in a patch displaying the ‘Jukuhu’ owl.

Furthermore, German soldiers expressed respect for the Americans’ operational efficiency ensured through strict drill and discipline (Interview 22.07.2022):

„I have never experienced such an army. We Germans cannot perform like that. They have so much drill. They are like robots. Everyone knows his place, his task. Just watching them is amazing. It runs like a clockwork.”

The formula for this operational efficiency is to “Keep it stupid and simple” which would also be due to the low level of education (Interview 22.07.2022):

“They work with simple communication, a lot with colours. So, they bet less on education, let alone self-initiative.”

Her comrade adds: „What do we call that? – Cannon fodder.”

Even if the American military proofs highly efficient – under routine circumstances – German soldiers hence did not wish to swap because they recognized the downsides as well (Interview 22.07.2022):

“I have never experienced an army that treats its subordinate soldiers that contemptuous. They lead by fear and punishment. There is no team spirit, no balance, only extreme competition.”

The comparison between the American and German military amounts to a juxtaposition between quantity versus quality. Indicative of the American army’s contempt of their soldiers was a difference in equipment by which the Americans earned the nickname ‘rednecks’ (Interview 22.07.2022): Americans necks were always burned by the sun because they wore simple basecaps, whereas German necks were protected by tropical hats with brim.

In light of this comparative experience, German soldiers praised the German leadership philosophy that is oriented at the model of the responsible ‘citizen in uniform’ and therefore applies mission-type tactics[6] (Interview 22.07.2022):

“I am grateful for being in the German armed forces since we are allowed to use our brain. I am glad that we still have this intellectual standard. That is mission-type tactics: You have a framework but how you move within it is up to you. What is important is that you fulfil the task. This does not work with the Americans. They only have straight drill. This means: Everything is prescribed. They are lost once they drop out of the structure. This is not to say that they are all dumb. But it is simply unwanted that they think themselves.”

Besides command style, the contrast continues in daily routines and preferences in leisure activities (Interview 22.07.2022): The American soldiers’ everyday routine consists of “bed, work, sports”. Moreover, common-rooms are designed in a way – with rows of chairs – that discourages social interaction. German soldiers, instead, like to get together after work hours in common rooms allowing to group chairs around tables to face each other and chat.

Another difference has ultimately adverse effects on the use of humour. As mentioned, sexist jokes – and other offensive jokes – are officially banned in the German military due to the increasing sensitivity regarding the discrimination of women or minorities. However, gender relations are not as scandalized and policed as in the American military (Interview 22.07.2022):

“In regard to the topic gender – really, really bad. If you went for dinner with the same woman three days in a row, you would be called in by your superior because they assumed you have a relationship.”

Accordingly, the negative effect of prudence on humour is more drastic (Interview 17.10.2022):

“I would almost say the Americans are stiff as a poker. In my perception, there is no longer any humour because it could always be considered sexual harassment.”

Overall, German soldiers paint an ambivalent picture of ‘the American’ soldier. On the one hand, they are impressed about abundance and functionality but at the same time cannot conceal disdain for lower intellectual and quality standards. This mix of jealousy and contempt reminds of anti-Americanist resentments that have been reactivated by different political-ideological camps since the 19th century (Dückers 2024; Scholtyseck 2003). The common denominator of anti-Americanist positions is to portray the ‘new world’ as the antithesis to own identity. In this caricature, the United States appears as the epitome of unleashed modernity characterized by alienation, uprooting, and acceleration. Moreover, the anti-American perspective associates the young and prospering country across the ocean with a lack of culture, decadence, superficiality, and disdainful materialism and consumerism. The source of arrogance is an opposing self-image that traces cultural and intellectual superiority back to the tradition of German idealism.

The model soldier

Such smack of arrogance is completely absent in German soldiers’ representations of British servicemen. On the contrary, the British are admired as soldier models especially thanks to their dark, yet witty sense of humour (Interview 17.10.2022):

“For the British, humour is a national sport. They are unbeatable when it comes to black humour and it has always intellectual depth.”

The vital role of humour in British military culture has been detected for servicemen in the First World War in the humourous tone that is striking from troops’ public communications, such as trench journals (Madigan 2013). By practising a sarcastic, self-deprecating humour style, soldiers created an alternative to the public’s conception of martial heroism that envisioned soldiers as fearlessly enjoying battle and being willing to die. Staging themselves as comical figures instead, the soldiers established “a basic standard of soldierly conduct” that emphasised the power of endurance despite fear in face of the terror of enemy artillery fire (Madigan 2013, 94).

When it comes to present-day British soldiers, ethnographic fieldwork (Basham 2013, 117–19) as well as the analysis of soldier obituaries (Tidy 2021) confirms that a particular sense of ‘service humour’ lives on.

Among German soldiers, British soldiers are particularly famous and notorious for their mess culture (Interviews 08.06.2022; 20.10.2022).

“The Brits have a very strong mess culture, that is the culture of the officers’ mess and officer corps. We [the German military] are already abandoning this and turning into a workers’ and farmers’ army. And part of this culture are the so-called ‘mess dinners’: These are formal dinners attended in gala uniform that are highly structured from the first course to the final port wine. There are exact rules for proposing toasts and reasons why specific regiments remain seated, for instance because they happened to be on some ship in 1884 and couldn’t get up. Thus, insanely traditional and regulated! Until the port wine. Then these mess dinners escalate in a most brutal manner.”

With visible joy, the interlocutor recounts several mess games he witnessed (Interview 20.10.2022): Once, British and German soldiers competed in a gauntlet through a tunnel made up of a row of thick armchairs. The competitors entered the tunnel from the opposing sides and won when they muddled through the other end first. On top of the tunnel sat the commander cheering the teams with a whistle and by shouting ‘All my boys!’. As was foreseeable, the participants were marked afterwards by torn shirts and bloody scratches. Another challenge was to dance as long as possible with a burning newspaper stuck in the buttocks. Similarly risky and embarrassing was a prank played on the most drunken soldier on the last night of a joint military exercise: he was stripped naked, shackled to the bed with wire and then pulled across the parade ground by a horse. Laughlingly, the interlocutor commented: “That was hellishly dangerous! Limbs can die off. Would you call that humour?”

He thus well realized the inherent danger and transgressive nature and understood why similar rituals are about to die out in the German military:

“These things were always very rough. Nowadays, you must be extremely cautious not to cross the line to physical injury or a violation of human dignity.”

Nevertheless, he could not resist the fascination and amusement of the British mess culture. A possible explanation for this fascination is that he considered it as the model of ‘real’ soldier culture. Indicative of this, he stated several positive functions of such rituals:

“Studies show: The tougher the unit, the harder the initiation rituals. Such rituals create an elitist attidude, an esprit de corps. It was a form of team building, a form of exuberance, a form of ‚We are the greatest’. That welds the community together.”

In continuing the tradition of mess games and initiation rituals, the soldiers prove that they are willing to take risks, endure hardships, and sacrifice themselves – their physical integrity and personal integrity – for the sake of the group, even if it is ‘just for fun’. From the perspective of German soldiers, ‘the Brits’ thus embody the ideal soldier because they perform such practices that playfully support military socialisation and cultivate soldierly virtues (Johais 2025; Sløk-Andersen 2019).

The rival

The two joking relationships described so far are asymmetrical: German soldiers look both up to the American big brother’s military strength and down on his lack of wit and intellect, whereas they adore the Briton as humor idol and – concomitantly – exemplary soldier. In contrast, the Franco-German relationship is a relationship between equal opponents. Compared to other nations “we are more strongly united with the French in a negative way” (Interview NG 08.07.2022). In this diverges the soldier perspective from the official image of Franco-German friendship that was sealed with the Élysée Treaty in 1963. Within the armed forces, the concept of the French as the hereditary enemy has apparently lingered on and was ready to revive during a mission abroad in the 2010s where German troops lived in a camp under French command (Interview, 8.7.2022):

“We had a hard time in this French camp. The French commander hated us. And since we have had a history of conflict with this nation and they gave us the feeling that they reduced us to what happened in the Second World War from the beginning – of course, we hated them as well. There was a simmering conflict. Due to this World War Two effect.”

On the one hand, it was banal inconveniences that the German soldiers interpreted as signs of French animosity: German soldiers had to be content with a single croissant for breakfast, whereas soldiers from other nations could get as many as they wanted. Their clothes were washed too hot, or items disappeared in the laundry. On the other hand, some of the acts perceived as discriminating were unmistakably relics from the past such as performing the Hitler salute or suggesting the so-called Hitler beard by putting two fingers above the upper lip. The German soldiers could not stand for this and stroke back with the means of humour: they invented sayings or modified common jokes to make fun of their French adversaries. To make sure that the jokes hit their target, they were translated into French or English and written down at places frequented by all troops like toilets, watchtowers, and the dining hall. The opposing side retaliated with jokes translated into German and a veritable joke battle ensued. A tipping point was reached, however, when the French betrayed the principles of comradeship – from the German point of view – by not rushing to help when a German soldier attempted suicide. Such an affront demanded revenge: members of the German special fun forces[7] carried out a clandestine operation in the shadows of the night and hoisted a German flag on the five-meter-tall miniature Eiffel tower that the French troops had set up at the camp’s entrance. With this climax, fun was over: the offenders were caught and punished and the simmering tension escalated in a brawl.

While this is certainly an exceptionally drastic example, other German soldiers likewise described experiences with French troops rather as unpleasant than amicable (e.g. Interview 22.07.2022). This leads to the impression that the official military cooperation – within NATO and since 1989 in the Franco-German brigade – created “commanded comradeship” at best (Interview 08.07.2022): “This [cooperation in the form of joint patrols] did not come from the bottom of the hearts. It was just: You have to do it.“

The imprint of history on present-day international joking relationship applies not only to rivalries but also to alliances (Interview 08.07.2022):

“The Austrians and the Italians were our closest allies – *smiling* like back then.[8] They were our true friends. We were bound together deep from the heart. We also bantered with them. But this was funny. We had a similar sense of humour.”

Conclusion

The exploration of international joking relationships has revealed German soldiers’ conceptions of different armed forces in multinational settings. The status of the German self within international joking relationships is that of a reticent character who controls himself conscious of historical responsibility. He suffers from an inferiority complex towards the American who simultaneously earns respect for material abundance and operational efficiency and contempt for lack of culture, intellect and quality standards. From the German perspective, the Brit represents the model soldier since his superior sense of humour is equalled with possessing soldierly virtues. The Franco-German relationship is the closest and only equal relationship, yet marred by historical animosities. These representations reveal that German soldiers hold common national stereotypes but they enrich and enact them through experiences with members of other nation’s armed forces. In this way, soldiers perform geopolitics by everyday practice.

Endnotes

[1] The cartoon ‘The Perfect NATO Member Should Be’ can be viewed here: https://www.lambiek.net/artists/h/hughes-wilson_jn.htm .

[2] The joke alludes to the rapid invasion of German forces in the Netherlands in May 1940.

[3] The difference between the two examples is that the “Pork Eating Crusader” was a fun patch that soldiers are not openly wearing and which are often produced and sold by local nationals. In contrast, the “Die 1.” patch was the outcome of an official initiative that attempted to jump on the bandwaggon of the popular patch culture.

[4] Lair (2011) vividly demonstrates the abundance of US military facilities abroad at the example of the Vietnam War.

[5] Bundeswehrforum.de is an online discussion forum for soldiers, reservists and interested people. It is, however, not an official website of the German Armed Forces but administered by pseudonymised volunteers. The forum took its start in 2003 and has currently about 28000 members. It is organized into 13 thematic boards, boards for specific Bundeswehr locations and two community boards. Users mention ‘American’ as attribute or subject and likewise express perceptions of other nations in threads concerning deployments abroad.

[6] Base exchanges (BX) or post exchanges (PX) are retail stores that provide tax-free goods and services  to authorized shoppers at United States military installations worldwide including products from well-known brands (e.g. American Eagle, Sunglass Hut, Gap) and restaurant chains (like Burger King, Taco Bell, Pizza Hut, Subway).

[7] In mission-type tactics, the military commander defines a clear objective and orders which forces are supposed to accomplish the objective in a given time frame. Then, subordinate leaders decide themselves how to achieve the objective. Thus, mission-type tactics require that subordinates understand the intent of the order and are trained to act independently. In the German armed forces, this is the predominant style of command in contrast to the American military’s tactics that are focused on executing a set of orders.

[8] This refers to an informal ‘fun group’ that used to test each other with playful challenges during their ordinary service at home and also propelled the joking battle with the French adversaries during the deployment abroad.

[9] This alludes to the fascist alliance between Germany and Italy during the Second World War and the annexation of Austria to the German Third Reich in 1938 that entailed the participation of many Austrians in national socialist crimes.

References

Apte, Mahadev L. 1985. Humor and Laughter: An Anthropological Approach. Ithaca, NY, London: Cornell University Press.

Basham, Victoria. 2013. War, Identity and the Liberal State: Everyday Experiences of the Geopolitical in the Armed Forces. London, New York: Routledge.

Ben-Ari, Eyal, and Liora Sion. 2005. “‘Hungry, Weary and Horny’: Joking and Jesting Among Israel’s Combat Reserves.” Israel Affairs 11 (4): 655–71.

Dückers, Tanja. 2024. “Immer Sind Die Amis Schuld.” Accessed Februay 17, 2025. Antiamerikanismus: Seit 200 Jahren sind die USA schuld | Der Pragmaticus

Godfrey, Richard. 2016. “Soldiering on: Exploring the Role of Humour as a Disciplinary Technology in the Military.” Organization 23 (2): 164–83.

Hockey, John. 2006 (1986). Squaddies: Portrait of a Subculture. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press.

Johais, Eva. 2025. “Schlagfertigkeit. A Soldier Skill” Critical Military Studies. https://doi.org/10.1080/23337486.2025.2472101

Lair, Meredith H. 2011. Armed with Abundance: Consumerism & Soldiering in the Vietnam War. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press.

Lambiek Comiclopedia. 2025. “John N. Hughes-Wilson.” Accessed February 24, 2025. https.//www.lambiek.net/artists/h/hughes-wilson_jn.htm

Madigan, Edward. 2013. “‘Sticking to a Hateful Task’: Resilience, Humour, and British Understandings of Combatant Courage, 1914-1918.” War in History 20 (1): 76–98.

Näser-Lather, Marion. 2018. “Impeded Heroes: On the (Self-)Perception of German Veterans.” In Veterans: Discourses and Living Contexts of an Emerging Social Group, edited by Michael Daxner, Marion Näser-Lather, and Silvia-Lucretia Nicola, 110–33. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing.

Radcliffe-Brown, Alfred. 1952. Structure and Function in Primitive Society : Essays and Addresses. Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press.

Joachim. 2003. “Anti-Amerikanismus in der Deutschen Geschichte.” In Historisch-Politische Mitteilungen: Archiv Für Christlich-Demokratische Politik, edited by Günter Buchstab and Hans-Otto Kleinmann, 23–42 10. Köln, Weimar, Wien: Böhlau Verlag.

Sløk-Andersen, Beate. 2019. “The Butt of the Joke?” Laughter and Potency in the Becoming of a Good Soldier.” Cultural Analysis 17 (1): 25–56.

Tidy, Joanna. 2021. “The Part Humour Plays in the Production of Military Violence.” Global Society 35 (1): 134–48.

When Soldiers became Spiritual: Wartime Beliefs

This blog post is part of the Seminar Reconceptualizing Warfare and Its Experience, April 10, 2025, funded by the WARFUN project.

The dominant discourse about war is that soldiers deployed and fighting in it dominate the landscape, and the animals which live in it. This paper focuses on the ways that Zimbabwean soldiers were made to understand the sacredness and spirituality of the Democratic Republic of Congo landscape: river water, swamps, snakes and ghosts by the local Congolese civilian people. The paper reveals that even though Zimbabwe soldiers believed in the mighty of their guns, they were challenged by the war landscape. In some way for soldiers to live in the grotesque terrain of war, they had to conform to the local people beliefs, that snakes are not killed, soldiers were not to bath in either swampy or rivers with soap. It was believed that the river and swampy water was mermaid water. It was believed that if snakes were killed then the few remaining will multiply and spiritually fight soldiers in their trenches. Soldiers were made to believe that snakes understand why men with guns were living in trenches. This was similar to ghosts which could move across the deployment areas, and sometimes close to trenches, were soldiers were dug in. The central analytical question on which this blog post is based has to do with the ways in which soldiers were made to believe in local people’s understanding of the landscape in which they were deployed in. In particular the post reveals the ways that soldier’s knowledge of being in war was challenged by the spirituality of the local Congolese people, an issue which they had never anticipated on going to war. So war is not only about the knowledge of knowing the guns, conventional warfare, terrain tactics, but it has also to do with being made to believe what it means to live in and within the war landscape itself known to the local people.

The Democratic Republic of Congo War has been referred to as the ‘Great War in Africa’, or ‘Africa’s World War’ (see Prunier, 2009; Reinjens, 2012). In August 1998, the Democratic Republic of Congo rebel formations backed by Rwanda and Uganda waged a war against the government of President Laurent Kabila. In response, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) deployed troops to rescue President Kabila and his government. This was so because DRC was a member state of the SADC, and as part of fulfilling their mandates, member states such as: Zimbabwe, Angola and Namibia, deployed their regular troops to quash the rebels. It was noted that, the DRC war caught these SADC forces unaware and unprepared for it (Maringira, 2015). In the case of Zimbabwe, this was evident in the ways in which soldiers were deployed, with very limited support and importantly without the approval of the parliament. The paper draws from the ethnography of being in war. Soldiers who fought in the DRC war were interviewed, in the aftermath of the war. While soldiers spoke about how they fought, they also talked about the landscape in which they functioned which they deemed a ‘spiritual landscape’.

Believing the invisible: Ghosts and snakes in deployments

One of the greatest challenges of soldiers is to fail to read and understand the landscape in which they are deployed in. On being deployed to the DRC, soldiers carried with them the conventional military understanding of the war landscape: how to read the landscape, to navigate, and how to locate and do obstacle crossing to attack rebels. The DRC landscape was somehow different from what the soldiers could imagine. It was a spiritual landscape, a sacred one. The soldiers’ areas of deployments were infested with ghosts and very big snakes. Soldiers, especially those on sentry duties could see ghosts in the night. As noted by one of the soldiers, Matanda:

It was another war, a war in which we were not trained in. Every night I could see ghosts, I could see a long and twisting flame of fire moving across the deployment. But I could not trigger the gun because that was not the target which I was taught in field craft lessons. This was an invisible target (interview with Matanda, 2017).

In some cases it was not only about seeing the flame of fire in the dark that made soldiers believe that they were seeing ghosts in and around the deployment area. Sometimes the soldiers on sentry duties could hear ‘people-like voices’. The voices were like people in a conversation. The soldiers on sentry duty could try to locate where the voices were coming from in the darkest hour, but they could not. If the soldiers advance to the sources of the voices, the voices will ‘move’ further ground. This made soldiers believe that the deployment area was imbued with ghosts as also Matanda explained while being interviewed.

You could hear some voices in the midnight. You try to pay attention to the voices; you could not make sense of what the voices were saying. I understood the local Congolese language, but you could not understand those voices.

However, on sentry, some soldiers opened gun fire and shot towards the voices in the night, but on the following day those soldiers got sick. What was surprising was that the sickness, which the soldiers suffered from, could not be diagnosed by army medics. The soldiers were weak, and unconscious. They later explained what happened in the previous night, that they opened fire on ghosts in the deployment area. The situation was helped by one of the seasoned soldiers who was in his late 40’s. He had fought in the Zimbabwe liberation struggle. He took them to a nearby village where they were told by the village head not to fight the ‘ghosts’, as these were the spirits of the land. The land was said to belong to the ‘spirits’, including the deployment area. Thus even though the spirits of the Congolese land were not related to the Zimbabwean soldiers, they were said to be working alongside the soldiers to protect the Congolese people from any harm. In some way, the ‘spirits of the land’ were made to be ‘friendly forces’ to the Zimbabwean soldiers.

During this visit to the village head the soldiers were told that they were not supposed to kill snakes in the deployment area. The village head emphasised that snakes in the deployment area were not just snakes as soldiers believed, but these were the spiritual symbols of the land. The village head stated that snakes in the deployment area had lived in the area since the birth of the Congolese land. The snakes were representing the spirits of the land which the soldiers could not see. Hence killing the snakes in the deployment area was synonymous to killing the spirits. The soldiers were told not to be aggressive towards any of these snakes, because if they retaliate this could lead to the death of many of the soldiers in the trenches. Realising the incident which had happened after the soldiers had opened fire on the ghosts, the officer commanding (OC) briefed soldiers to pay attention to the local community ‘rules’ on how soldiers were to live in the trenches. What was astonishing was that the ways that soldiers were to live with snakes and ghosts was not part of the Operation Standing Procedures (OSP’s) i.e. the rules and regulations to be followed by soldiers deployed in war. However, the soldiers lived alongside with snakes without the army headquarters being informed. Snakes could move-in and coil-in the trenches and in particular in the roll beds, i.e. soldiers wartime blankets, and sleep alongside soldiers, but none of the soldiers was bitten by these snakes. Often when soldiers felt and saw the snake inside their blankets, they laughed-off and say, “today I have a girlfriend with me”. The ways that snakes were viewed as “girlfriends” is interesting because it provides us with a vantage point in which we can begin to theorise the landscape of snakes in deployments as spiritualised. Again the snakes as spirits of the land were humanised, i.e. seen as ‘girlfriends’. In a way the local Congolese people made soldiers to begin to view snakes as spirits, but soldiers incorporate this understanding to see them ‘girlfriends’. They were ‘girlfriends’ in the sense that the snake type, such as kraits, cobra and mambas could take a ‘nap’ alongside soldiers in the trenches. As symbols of spirits of the land, snakes were also viewed as having the capacity to ‘fight’ in the war, as was noted by the Congolese village head where the soldiers were deployed.

The belief helped soldiers: none of the soldiers were ever bitten by the snakes. This is despite the fact that soldiers could sleep along with these snakes. The snakes could overnight coil around the AK rifle, but at dawn, they would uncoil by themselves. For the local people, snakes in the deployment were said to be very cooperative and understanding of the soldiers’ operations. In a way the soldiers’ belief in snakes as spirits and as ‘girlfriends’ had helped the local Congolese to establish social relationship with soldiers. The belief in snakes as spirits, had transformed soldiers from mere foreign fighters to local believers of and in the war landscape. Soldiers could not dominate the landscape as they had envisaged at the time of deployment, but they had to depend on the local people’s beliefs to be able to live in and operate in the landscape. This speaks to Woodward’s (2014) writing of and about the landscape as a text. It is a text in the sense that the soldiers were made to believe in the landscape spirits. Thus while Woodward (ibid) asserts that military landscapes are dominated by the imprint of military activities, were soldiers exercise their tactical knowledge, the local spiritual beliefs of and about snakes, made soldiers mere dwellers rather than conquerors of the land. The deployment area and the lines of axis belonged to the ghosts: the spirits of the land.

River mermaids as a threat to soldiering

Soldiers deployed along rivers mainly for tactical reasons. However, at a time of deployment, neither the commanders nor the foot soldiers had any detailed knowledge of the area, especially the rivers. It was the village head who told soldiers that they were not supposed to bath in the rivers with soap, instead they only had to bath with water. In addition soldiers were told not to swim in the rivers because that would anger the mermaids. However, even though soldiers were told to refrain from swimming, they went against the village head ‘orders’. On one Saturday afternoon, while other soldiers were bathing, of course without using soap, one of the soldiers swam, and in the blink of an eye, he was seen floating on water. The other soldiers could not retrieve his body and fearing for their lives they ran to the Officer Commanding who called for the local village head. The village head then came to the river and spoke to the river waters and retrieved the body. The village head insisted that the waters in which the soldier had swum was one of the most dangerous places in the area, where it was believed that the greatest mermaid of the river lived. This instilled fear in soldiers, as they found it difficult to bath in rivers for fear of mermaid rivers. The Officer Commanding ordered that the river was now an out of bounds area. Instead of bathing in the river, the Officer Commanding instructed soldiers to carry water from shallow wells, and bath within the deployment area. On patrols, soldiers avoided rivers. They could not patrol beyond the river for fear of the mermaids. Therefore the spirituality of the river became an obstacle for the soldiers. It was foolhardy for the soldiers to then think of the river as a tactical area.

However, for the brigade commander and the Commanding Officer (CO): commanding from the rear, the river was withheld with utmost and tactical significance as a strategic position to mount an ambush to attack rebels. So, the challenge was that soldiers at the war front could not just withdraw from the rivers to deploy elsewhere, rather the deployment area was highly dictated by those at the rear: the commanding officer. The deployment area was decided upon on a map. Soldiers at the war front would then deploy and carry out patrols as ordered from the rear. Thus it was an initiative of the Officer Commanding at the war front to deal with the spirituality of the rivers: infested with mermaids. Even though the Officer commanding could send a signal briefing the rear commanders about the ways that the soldier was killed by mermaids, it was pretty hard for the brigade commanders to believe how a soldier could be killed in a river without providing evidence for it. Even if a board of inquiry was to be summoned, how would the question be fully responded to: how do we know the soldier who died while swimming was killed by a mermaid? Is there any evidence to substantiate the claim that a soldier was killed by a mermaid? Failure to respond to such questions would simply clarify that the soldier died due to negligence in the context of war.

The very fact that soldiers often could die due to an attack from the unseen, but things which those at the war front could believe in, positioned soldiers in a quandary position. The mermaids in rivers challenged soldiers’ operations for whom it seemed impossible to patrol across and beyond rivers. The ‘waterscape’ was itself imbued with spiritual power of the mermaids which soldiers failed to fight. Soldiers could only depend on the spiritual knowledge of the local Congolese people, that they should not bath in the rivers with soap, nor swim in the rivers. In a way this explains to us the ways the local populations dominated the area rather than the soldiers. While the literature on war and military landscape asserts that soldiers dominate and do violence on the landscape on which they operate (Woodward, 2013), the case of the mermaids’ active presence in Congolese rivers reveals to us soldiers who were rather dominated by the spirits and the local people within which they were deployed.

Map and landscape reading

For soldiers to live and patrol and be able to locate enemy positions, they first tried to utilise the maps, and the grid references, but that was a challenge. It was problematic in the sense that in the DRC it rained most parts of the year, and it was always wet. The features on the map could not easily be located on the ground. The prominent features could not be detected from the map to the ground. A tactical position to ambush enemies might be along the river, which soldiers feared: where mermaids live. Even though a map is a representation of the landscape to be read off (see also Woodward, 2004), the understanding and reading of the map was not synonymous and could not be easily applied on the ground. The ground had its own reading and understanding which was highly and often spiritual. In this regard we can refer to this form of landscape as “spiritualised landscape of war”, one which is understood through the lens of the spirit.

Often on debriefing platoon commanders highly depend on sand tables: using sand to draw the strategic areas to attack the enemy employing the best possible route. For a sand table to be used, it has to be drawn a day before on the ground. This was not possible in the DRC war because heavy rainfall would easily wash it away.

In addition, the DRC landscape was characterised by thick forest. It was difficult to utilise the map to read and understand the landscape to enable patrol route and even lay an ambush in such a forest. The local people insisted that trees belonged to the ancestors and were not supposed to be cut down. The trees were believed to be the ‘tree spirits’, i.e. the spirits lived in those trees. Soldiers were not supposed to cut down the ‘spiritualised trees’ for either tactical reasons and for use as firewood. There were also specific trees in the forest which the soldiers were not allowed to rest on. These trees were said to be ‘housing’ the ‘spirits of the forests’. If the soldiers went against the locals’ beliefs, it was stated that, either huge snakes of the forests, which were symbols of the spirit, would swallow soldiers or bite them which would result in soldiers developing untreatable wounds.

Thus considering the very fact that soldiers have had with the river mermaids, seeing one of their compatriot dying swimming in the river, living with snakes and ghosts in the deployment, none of the soldiers would have wanted to continue risking their lives by not believing in what the local people say about the ways in which the soldiers were to live in the war landscape. In as much as map reading was an important military practice in war, believing in the local people’s spiritual belief of the landscape was central in making soldiers live and ‘operate’ in and beyond the trench warfare.

Materialities of the landscape: Ghosts, snakes and mermaids

Here I want to engage with the military landscape which became spiritualised and was beyond conventional military reading and control. Thus if we are to understand military landscapes, in particular in the context of war: in an African setting were belief, rituals and spiritual practices forms the basis of social life, for example in the DRC war on which this paper is drawn, then we need to theorise ghosts, spiritual snakes, mermaids and trees to understand the ways that military landscape’s function. Ghosts, snakes and mermaids which spiritually emerge on soldiers’ deployment areas, are in themselves, ‘active agents of power and authority’ (Fontein, 2014:713). The ghosts, snakes and mermaids do things to soldiers: they exert power on the landscape by obstructing and disrupting soldiers’ tactics, i.e. ambushes and patrols. The ghosts, snakes and mermaids are ‘materialities of the landscape’, (Fontein, 2015: 12) i.e. they give ‘life’ to the landscape by establishing a relationship between civilians, soldiers and the physical landscape. Thus the ghosts, spiritual snakes and river mermaids all viewed as spiritual, evince the capacity to intrude and disrupt soldiers’ ways of understanding the landscape. Thus the active presence of ghosts, snakes and mermaids in the military deployment area actively re-define the military landscape. There is a co-existence of different materialities: the snakes, mermaids and ghosts which exert different forms of power and authority but all controlling the military landscape. The ‘material presence’ of the mermaids, snakes and ghosts produces evocative descriptions of the landscape as, e.g. mermaids of the river, ‘spirits of the land’. This in some way reveals the immanence of the past that has the capacity to disrupt military power on and over the landscape.

Thus while Woodward (2013) argues that the military do violence to landscapes on which they operate (which indeed is real), this paper reveals that, the materialities of the landscape: ghosts and mermaids, have enduring capacities to disrupt the violence that soldiers seek to do in varying ways and degrees. For Woodward (2014), landscapes are both a text and sites of experience. However, landscape as text reveals to us that there are different subjectivities which interface on landscapes: soldiers and ghosts and soldiers and mermaids and soldiers and snakes. The different subjectivities of soldiers and these spiritual objects is profound in shaping how the landscape is (re)defined. The experience of being in and on that landscape evince and invokes certain emotional and effective capacities.

Conclusion

The blog has revealed that the belief that snakes in the deployment areas were ‘spirits’ of the land, ghosts were protective, river mermaids were custodians of the rivers, and certain trees ‘housed’ the spirits, challenged the conventional soldiering practices, that of dominating the landscape. Instead of the soldiers violating the landscape on which they were deployed, the spirits of the land, water and trees dominated and dictated soldiers’ ways of life and understanding of the landscape. The spiritual beliefs changed soldiers’ tactics on patrol and ambush. Thus focusing on spiritual beliefs and landscape on soldiers’ operations in the context of war allows us to conceptualise the idea of military landscapes, in particular on the ways in which natural surroundings are read and understood as spiritualised. Hence this paper has revealed that military landscape is not only what we see, but also how what we see, and we do not see, in these landscapes interact with the soldiering practices and challenges them. In a way, when the military landscapes are said to be imbued with the ‘spirits’ of the land, it invokes the agency of the spirits which establishes the relationship between the soldier and the invisible world.

References and further reading

Fontein, J (2015) Remaking Mutirikwi: Landscape, water and belonging in Southern Zimbabwe, Woodbridge, James Currey

Makumbe, J, Mw. (2002) Zimbabwe’s hijacked election, Journal of Democracy, 13, 4: 87-101.

Maringira, G. (2017) Military corruption in war: stealing and connivance among Zimbabwean foot soldiers in the Democratic Republic of Congo (1998–2002), Review of African Political Economy, 44: 154, 611-623.

Maringira, G. (2016) Soldiering the terrain of war: Zimbabwean soldiers in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (1998–2002), Defence Studies 16.3: 299-311.

Maringira, G. (2015) When the war de-professionalises soldiers: Wartime stories in exile, Journal of Southern African Studies 41.6: 1315-1329.

Rupiya, M. R. (2002) ‘A political and military review of Zimbabwe’s involvement in the second Congo war, 93-108. In J. F. Clark, The African stakes of the Congo war, (Palgrave Macmillan, 2002).

Woodward, R. (2004) Military Geographies, Oxford: Blackwell.

Woodward, R. (2013). Military pastoral and the military sublime in British army training landscapes. War and Peat, 45-56.

Woodward, R. (2010) Military Landscapes/Militære Landskap: The Military Landscape Photography of Ingrid Book and Carina Hedén. In Pearson, D., Coates, P. and Cole, T. (Eds.) Militarised Landscapes: Comparative Histories and Geographies. Continuum, London, pp. 21-38

Woodward, R. (2005) From Military Geography to militarism’s geographies: disciplinary engagements with the geographies of militarism and military activities. Progress in Human Geography 29 (6), 718-740

Woodward R. (2014) Looking at Military Landscapes: Definitions and Approaches. In: Renaud Bellais and Josselin Droff, ed. The Evolving Boundaries of Defence: An Assessment of Recent Shifts in Defence Activities. Emerald Publishing UK, 2014, pp. 141-155.

Fun in War? On Researching Fun and Entertainment in the Yugoslav Partisan Struggle.

This blog post is part of the Seminar Reconceptualizing Warfare and Its Experience, April 10, 2025, funded by the WARFUN project.

Commenting on my research for the WarFun project, someone once remarked that I must be using a very broad definition of fun — one that, apparently, included everything. In a way, they were right. But my usage of the term fun did not come from nowhere. It gradually emerged through engaging with the sources I had at my disposal. Studying fun in the setting of the communist-led People’s Liberation Struggle (Narodnooslobodilačka borba, NOB) that developed during the Second World War on the Yugoslav territories inevitably raised a number of conceptual questions. First and foremost, probably like anyone who has not experienced war, I wondered what could possibly be fun for the inhabitants of Yugoslavia who found themselves caught in the vortex of that particular conflict. Primary sources created during the NOB or dedicated to the memory of the NOB offered some clues. That is, they revealed aspects from which the topic of fun in war might be considered, researched, talked about.

     It was not at all encouraging – but, I must admit, it was expected – that the NOB participants very rarely, almost never, used the term fun. However, archival sources, especially various military instructions and directives, abound with synonymous terms. Of course, the term motivation appears, as well as (good) mood and cheerfulness. And singing, dancing, teasing and joking are often mentioned as a means of achieving this desired joyful mood. Memoir literature is a bit more generous on this matter as it is possible to find whole paragraphs – although, unfortunately, rarely more than that – dedicated to actual descriptions of this or that event that comforted, brightened, and cheered up those who were present in this type of sources. In other words, I had to dig through a wide range of sources, but diaries, memoirs, and anecdotal evidence stood out as materials that enabled me to piece together a more comprehensive understanding of fun among women and men who participated in the NOB. Of course, if these women and men were available in present, the method of oral history, I am sure, would prove to be an invaluable asset in researching fun during war. From the fragments I more or less stumbled on reading through hundreds and hundreds of pages of literature, the list of questions I wish I could have asked grew incredibly quickly and I was oh so very envious of my fellow anthropologists who were actually able to talk to war veterans about their own research on fun in war.

     In addition, I have found that the finest way to explore fun in written sources about the People’s Liberation Struggle is actually to explore entertainment. Notably, in all languages of ex-Yugoslavia words entertainment and fun translate with one and the same term – zabava – and it means pleasant pastime, party (in all its synonyms), social event or performance with music and dancing. It is a very fitting coincidence for me that cultural life organized as a part of the Yugoslav Partisan resistance during the Second World War – including entertainment activities explicitly designed to be fun – provides a remarkable example of leadership-encouraged and widely accepted activism (and artivism). In accordance, moments of relaxation with music and dance, as well as, occasionally, telling stories and playing social games are types of events that the sources consistently describe in terms that suggest having fun. While such activities often began as an incidental or spontaneous occurrence, Partisan cultural life developed into a strategically cultivated and officially sanctioned means of support and cohesion within a very short time. And while wartime cultural workers tried hard to educate and ideologically direct their Partisan and civilian audiences, they put in equal effort to also distract, amuse, entertain and, if at all possible, motivate them. With the help of singing, dancing, literature, and, above all, theatre, artistic creation and propaganda were intertwined with entertainment.

     As a historian of women’s and gender history, I approached the sources not only in search of officially sanctioned propaganda-cum-entertainment among the Yugoslav Partisans, but also of traces of fun as gendered practice. More visible forms of entertainment within the movement — especially those tied to Partisan cultural production — also reveal how gender shaped access, participation, and meaning of fun. Women actively participated as organizers, performers, and audience members. In some cases, their involvement in entertainment spaces provided a form of empowerment within the military context as they, many for the first time in their lives, were able to express some of the issues they encountered in their everyday lives and draw attention to the feminist aspect of the communist ideology some among them advocated. Such activism was often intertwined with humor, singing, and sometimes even alcohol. Women, it seems to me, approached the new that the war had to offer as women of the period tended to approach everything, by getting down to business. But also by creating opportunities, however small, for joy and fun.

     In addition, moments of pastime in pleasure and intimacy were shaped by, and in turn shaped, wartime gender relations. Women’s more than men’s writings about the war hinted at a wealth of such practices, many of which remained private or were only partially recorded. These fragments, sometimes embedded between the lines, suggested that women’s experiences of fun were often more ambiguous, more situated, and at times more resistant to dominant narratives than public commemorations or existing secondary literature might suggest.

     In the end, fun and entertainment also existed within broader wartime gender dynamics, where different forms of social interaction – ranging from the mentioned celebratory performances all the way to forms of coercive practices – influenced both men’s and women’s experiences. The tension between fun and entertainment as uplifting forces and the harsh realities of war, including the exploitation of women, can further complicate the study of cultural life during the conflict. Primary sources indicate – although fairly rarely and often more obliquely than a researcher might hope – that moments of enjoyment could sometimes be intertwined with violence, coercion, and power plays when control was asserted in ways that could seem almost playful, but were never harmless. For example, if they do approach this terrain, authors of wartime testimonies tend to suggest that occupying forces and collaborators used social gatherings not merely to blow off steam, but as opportunities to assert dominance over civilians and exploiting those suspected of Partisan ties.

     The legacy of Partisan entertainment remains full of questions – and, for me, in many ways unfinished work. Complexities I have touched on here point to avenues for further research and reflection. I, for one, feel like I have only scratched the surface. The sources that document Partisan cultural work and related entertainment activities, the ways in which Partisan women and men liked to have fun when the disciplining eye of the Communist Party was not watching as well as how enemy soldiers sometimes weaponized those same activities, offer a deeper understanding of how pleasure, performance, and power can coexist in wartime settings. They also remind us that people navigate conflict not only through suffering and resistance, but also through laughter, song, and creative expression. And that all of those so easily get enmeshed together. Looking at these moments does not distract from the seriousness of war — it helps us see its full emotional and social landscape.

When adrenaline draws you in. Reflections on film and skydiving in the aftermath of Argentina’s ‘dirty war’

This blog post is part of the Seminar Reconceptualizing Warfare and Its Experience, April 10, 2025, funded by the WARFUN project.

I am currently wrapping up an essay film, Falling, about my fraught relationship with Pepe and his brother, two retired Argentine military officers whom I met during my doctoral research on crimes against humanity from the perspective of those who suffered and those who perpetrated political violence. As an ethnographer interested in the aftermath of Argentina’s ‘dirty war’, absorbing their way of life has given me a deeper understanding of both human suffering and the infliction of violence. Our relationship has sharpened my intellectual growth and deepened my understanding of cultural anthropology. But it has also made it terribly complicated. As anthropologists, we are trained to approach our subjects with empathy. But when those subjects are involved in acts of violence, this approach can become problematic. How do we maintain social responsibility while dealing with the moral implications of the military actions we study? How can we engage with war experiences soldiers themselves consider fun?

The essay film Falling is the result of that introspection—a reflection on how these encounters have shaped my work and my understanding of what it means to be an ethnographer and a filmmaker engaged with individuals whose actions have contributed to war crimes.

We first met in 2009. Pepe was accused of crimes against humanity, which marked the beginning of our relationship. Both he and his brother were military officers involved in a period of state-sponsored violence during which thousands of people disappeared, were tortured, and killed by the military in the name of fighting a perceived communist threat. Some of them were pushed out of airplanes alive above the South Atlantic. The military’s brutal actions were part of a wider effort to crush any form of opposition, real or imagined. But as I got to know Pepe and his brother, I came to realize that their understanding of these events of ‘those years of lead; was shaped by a different narrative – one in which their actions were justified, glorified sometimes, and they did not fully acknowledge the horrors that had taken place.

I think one of the most insightful aspects of these interactions with Pepe and his brother was the realization that retreat from the atrocities was a powerful force in their lives. Pepe would often prefer to talk nostalgically about the physical rush of parachuting, about the moments of pure freedom that he felt as he soared through the air. He then kept talking about his time as a paratrooper, describing the adrenaline, the thrill of the jump, the camaraderie among soldiers. I realized that these earlier moments of exhilaration and fun seemed to define his identity. These memories were, in his eyes, the highlight of his military career. The highlights of his war. He once claimed that adrenaline had first drawn him to the military. He believed that my interest in his past was driven by the same fascination with excitement and danger that had motivated his decision to become a paratrooper.

At first, I resisted his idea of resemblance, dismissing it as a simplistic interpretation, offensive even. But over time, I began to wonder: was he right, perhaps? Was I too drawn to violence because of adrenaline?

Incongruously, concrete references to the violence were often pushed to the periphery of our conversations. Even when I pressed him about the atrocities, as I thought I had to in the beginning of my fieldwork, his silence spoke volume. It was a silence that was part of a larger military code of ethics that I gradually came to learn about. Pepe’s brother in return would often downplay their involvement in the worst aspects of the conflict, referring to the military’s actions as isolated incidents of corruption rather than systematic abuse.

Could I simply indulge in such talk, I often doubted?

As an ethnographer, I had taken up the task to understand, not to judge. I had come to study the military world in Argentina, to grasp the complex social and cultural forces that shaped individuals like Pepe and his brother. I gradually realized that the theoretical frameworks and methodologies I had relied upon in my academic training were ill-equipped to help me navigate this moral terrain.  Over the course of a decade of fieldwork and thinking and writing about it, I found that no amount of theory could adequately account for the nuances and discomforts that had shaped our encounters. The silence about the atrocities and the thrill about the ‘fun’ parts of the past that permeated our conversations were not something that could be explained away by academic discourse. Ethnographic vignetters neither did justice to these experiences. It was as if our evasiveness and the excitement demanded their own space, their own recognition.

I had not done justice to these brothers’ experiences of his war. Nor had I accurately portrayed the complexities of their military past? I had not been faithful enough to the nuances of Pepe’s joyful retreat in my writing and unwillingly I had imposed my own interpretations and those of hefty scholars onto his story.

In academic endeavors to formulate a compelling argument regarding perpetrator status, there is a tendency to present executors of violence as either monsters or victims, thereby rendering life more comprehensible and morally acceptable (Fassin and Rechtman 2009; Hinton 2016). Recent fascination with perpetrators in audiovisual media (Herzog 2011; Oppenheimer 2012) has also frequently resulted in the labelling of perpetrators as ‘cruel sadists’, ‘true believers’ or ‘pliant conformists’ (Mohamad 2015, 1161), which implicitly acts as a form of moral ‘othering’, I think this tendency to objectify militaries by creating fixed images that anchor them in a violent past (Anderson 2018, 95) offer only limited opportunities for engagement with the complexities and nuances of war in everyday life.

Film, I hoped, would provide a more flexible space for portraying their silences, Pepe’s fun memories of parachuting, and perhaps other themes of war other than the violence that had shaped their veteran life. But when I began to expound my film project to some friends and colleagues, I encountered immediate resistance. My attempts to capture the exhilaration of parachuting, to show the adrenaline and joy that defined Pepe’s memories beside his retreat from the past, were met with heavy criticism. Some argued that focusing on these ‘fun’ aspects of war was irresponsible and not including the voice of the victim offensive even. I too had had doubts in how showing Pepe’s jump might carry offense—an unspoken mockery of those people pushed from airplanes. They feared that such a portrayal would risk romanticizing violence and glossing over the atrocities that had been committed.

In my effort to experiment with media other than words, I found myself at a crossroads: how could I represent these militaries in a way that was faithful to their experiences without endorsing their actions? How could I balance the humanizing aspects of their stories with the moral weight of their crimes? As an anthropologist, my task is to explore the complexities of human behavior, even when those behaviors are reprehensible. But at what point does the intellectual pursuit of knowledge become morally indefensible. Ought I –as an ethnographer of the military– separate the intertwined excitement of parachuting from the violence that accompanied it?

Over the years, Argentinian colleagues and friends increasingly expressed concerns about the film I wanted to make. The ethical concerns around representing war criminals in a way that might elicit empathy or understanding were significant.  These concerns were not just academic; they touched on my own personal experiences that forced me to engage in a continuous process of self-reflection. The film project itself became a process of contradictions, ambiguities, and uncomfortable experiences.

The cinematographic juxtaposition of images, sounds, and texts of exhilaration and silence, of freedom and confinement, of violence and fun, served me as a constant reminder of the complexity of human existence. Through breathtaking sceneries of parachuting, I explored the tension between personal joy and historical guilt, between the rush of adrenaline and the weight of past actions. During the montage and new stints of recording, the ethnographic ‘I” turned into a cinematographic “she” in order to make a compelling narrative. The tension between intellectual curiosity and ethical responsibility became a central theme of the film process eventually that turned the camera lens on the ethnographer and her ethical dilemmas, questions of complicity, and the intricacies of violence and accountability in her daily life. One of the key insights I’ve gained from this process of objectifying myself was the realization that the contradictions of the film making was not something to be resolved but as something to be embraced in the final edit.

After nearly eight years of work, the film is now almost complete. An intermittent process of montage has helped me to understand how to intertwine the adrenaline and nostalgia of Pepe’s fun memories with the dreadful violence of the past without completely erasing it as I had wanted to do at the beginning of the project—they are, of course, intertwined. And it is through this cinematographic potential of intertwining of sound, image and text, I think, that we can begin to appreciate better the complexities of war and its aftermath. Also, it’s fun parts.

By focusing on moments of joy and exhilaration, we are not absolving the perpetrators of their crimes, but rather inviting viewers to reflect on their own roles in the larger systems of violence we inhabit and the ways we live with violence and war ourselves. Creating a space where viewers can confront their own complicity in the consumption and production of violence, while also acknowledging the humanity of those who perpetrate it. This, I believe, is a form of epistemic justice—not one that justifies, erases or excuses, but one that opens up new ways of understanding and confronting on what kind of knowledge about war counts as true, valid and important and which are deemed inappropriate or sinful even.

Writing this blog reminded me of the words of Susan Sontag (2004) who cautioned against the commodification of suffering in the media. The portrayal of war and violence indeed too often focuses on shock and spectacle. The fun parts too turn easily appalling. Falling tries to challenge this tendency in a roundabout way by engaging with the quiet and fun aspects of war that encourages reflection rather than passive consumption (Baxtrom and Meyers 2018, 52-57). Yet, it is a reflection clouded with unrest—a consideration that ripples rather than returns any truth.

References

Anderson, Michelle E. 2018. Perpetrator Trauma, Empathic Unsettlement, and the Uncanny: Conceptualizations of Perpetrators in South Africa’s Truth Commission Special Report. Journal of Perpetrator Research 2 (1): 95–118.

Baxstrom, Richard and Todd Meyers. 2018. Violence’s Fabled Experiment. Berlin: August Verlag.

Fassin, Didier and Richard Rechtman. 2009. The Empire of Trauma. An Inquiry into the Condition of Victimhood. Rachel Gomme, trans. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Herzog, Werner. 2011. Into the Abyss. Creative Differences.

Hinton, Alexander L. 2016. Man or Monster? The Trial of a Khmer Rouge Torturer. Durham: Duke University Press.

Mohamed, Saira. 2015. Of Monsters and Men: Perpetrator Trauma and Mass Atrocity. Columbia Law Review 115: 1157-1216.

Oppenheimer, Joshua. 2012.  The Act of Killing. Final Cut for Real ApS.

Sontag, Susan. 2004. Regarding the pain of others. Penguin Books.

Songs of Fire and Rice: Post-Electoral Song Protests in Mozambique

A Song

Namacurra onoloba nikayedho
Namacurra asks for help
Frelimo onoguliya mathaka na atxina
Frelimo is selling our lands to the Chinese
Nafuna minivedele manera adhouwe
We want to find a way for them to leave
Araujo we Araujo we Araujo wee
Araujo, Araujo, Araujo
Araujo kafiya onivune okuno onamacurra
Araujo, come here to Namacurra
Frelimo onoguliya mathaka na atxina
Frelimo is selling our lands to the Chinese
Ninfuna munivedele manera adhouwe
We want to find a way for them to leave

A Protest

The song above was posted on TikTok by the profile @imbyaugusto in November 2024. In it, women sitting at a rally sing in protest against the dispossession of their lands. They name Frelimo and the Chinese as the perpetrators. As their saviour, they call out to (Manuel) Araújo, the current mayor of Zambezia’s capital, Quelimane, and the opposition candidate for the province’s governorship.

Araújo has been leading the protests in Quelimane following the elections on 9 October. The country has since experienced nationwide unrest and significant violence. The electoral commission declared Frelimo’s Daniel Chapo and the ruling Frelimo party the winners. Opposition candidate Venâncio Mondlane contested these results, alleging electoral fraud and asserting his victory (O País 2024). Security forces have responded with force to the protests, resulting in numerous casualties.

Although protests in Zambezia were considered the least violent, some of the most severe incidents occurred there. For instance, after police attempted to disperse a rally led by Araújo with tear gas in November 2024 (STV 2024), violence erupted. A senior member of Frelimo and former member of the district’s electoral commission was killed in Inhassunge, across the bay from Quelimane (DW 2024b).

The protests spread across the province. Roadblocks were reported in Milange (bordering Malawi) and Alto Molocue (bordering Nampula province). Morrumbala, a district neighbouring both Malawi and Tete, witnessed more violent events: Frelimo headquarters and the district electoral secretariat were set on fire, the jail was attacked and prisoners released, the court vandalised, and the local market looted (DW 2024a).

More recently, deadly clashes have occurred between security forces and the Naparamas. The Naparama movement dates back to the post-independence war. It was a community-based militia aimed at protecting civilians. Founded in Nampula, it quickly spread to Zambezia. The movement’s founder, a traditional healer, claimed to have a spiritual “vaccine” that made followers invulnerable to bullets—facilitating rapid mobilisation (Jentzsch 2018). The renewed violence has led many to seek refuge in neighbouring Malawi (Catueira 2024; DW 2025).

Songs of Fire

Protest songs have long been part of Mozambique’s history. Studies have explored their role in oral tradition, memory (Vail and White 1978; 1983; Israel 2010), nation-building, and consciousness shaping (Meneses 2019). More recent research has addressed growing dissatisfaction with the post-colonial state (Manhiça et al. 2020; Rantala 2014; 2016; 2024; Guissemo 2018).

There are, however, fewer studies on women’s protest songs. Women’s participation is often folded into the collective or ignored. One study examining political songs from 1998 to 2018 highlighted the underrepresentation of women (Taela et al. 2021). Studies that do explore gendered expressions of protest tend to focus on dance, especially tufo, a performance style rooted in Islamic communities in Mozambique’s northern coastal provinces (Hebden 2020; Arnfred 2004).

Social media has increased the visibility of women in protest. In a piece on the gendered dimensions of the post-election protests, Kátia Taela highlights two women artists—Ivete Mafundza and Lizha James—who released intervention music. She warns against simplifying the protests as youth-led, noting that women participate by:

“marching (including attempting to reach the Palácio da Ponta Vermelha…), joining night marches, protesting in front of the supreme court with their faces covered, occupying the streets singing protest songs and the national anthem, dancing, praying, cooking, pan-bashing in the evening and jokingly sharing photos of their damaged kitchen heroes” (Taela 2025).

Though surprising in scale, this uprising has been long in the making. Declining standards of living, corruption, and dispossession have been recurrent themes in protest music for years. The youth may be the most visible, but they are not alone—nor are these protests exclusively urban.

While greater Maputo draws media focus, updates from the rest of the country emerge sporadically, hindered by internet disruptions and a crackdown on journalism. Much of the confrontation is unfolding on social media, where Venâncio Mondlane still leads via livestreams. Disinformation circulates in both pro- and anti-protest camps.

A Source Called Social Media

Social media is not only a platform but a rich source of information. Much of what is known about protests has been shared online, with song and dance at its centre.

During the 2023 municipal elections, a DJ from Zambezia became famous for Trufafa Trufafa. In it, he repeatedly asks, “But who won?”, to which crowds respond, “It’s Renamo”. Protesters danced behind a music truck in Quelimane, singing along until the Constitutional Court finally recognised Renamo’s victory, overturning the initial result (Biinato Júnior 2023).

Online platforms also reveal other acts of resistance. In Namacurra, a timber truck was forced to leave its cargo behind. Protesters argued that while the country exports logs, local schools lack basic furniture. Like the women’s protest song at the beginning of this post, it was a rejection of state priorities favouring foreign interests over citizens’ needs.

Women and Rice

Since Frelimo named Chapo as its candidate in May 2024, I have been observing women’s political participation on social media. One viral message from Maputo’s elite district OMM (Mozambican Women’s Organisation) chapter invited women to a gathering to welcome Chapo. Meanwhile, videos from Chapo’s national tour show women laying new capulanas (traditional cloth worn by women) over his shoulders, reminiscent of royal anointment rituals. Historically, it has been women legitimising rulers in anointment ceremonies (Newitt 1995; Linden 1972; Rosario 2021).

OMM’s roots trace back to the female detachment in the liberation war. After independence, it aligned with the ruling party, as did other women’s leagues across Africa. These narratives often highlight women’s agency during liberation while portraying their current presence in political campaigns as instrumentalised. Yet, women’s songs often offer sharp critique rather than praise.

Women’s mobilisation work predates independence. In rural Zambezia, today’s OMM women are equated to the nyakoda (female labour organizers in Zambezia’s colonial past). Their task was to mobilise female slave or indentured labour in different societies of the Zambezi across time (African kingdoms, Portuguese lessee plantations and capitalist chartered companies). Locals called the time of forced labour “o tempo do arroz” (the time of the rice) (Rosario 2021). Prosperity of the regime of the day has never meant that of the labourer.

In the current regime, it is the voter (rather than the labourer) that legitimise political capital that translates into access to economic resources. Today, voters guarantee the elite’s prosperity through ballots rather than rice fields.

Influencers

Mansi nkateiaka txapo
But my favourite (candidate) is Chapo…

The above is an excerpt of a song from Dama Ija, a singer from Angoche. Her campaign song for Chapo urges voters to support Frelimo, citing roads and schools built under their rule. Using influencers is increasingly common, seen by some as a sign of political superficiality, yet it fits within customary power cosmologies that centre women as mobilisers.

Now, women influencers are also using their platforms to call for integrity. TikTok user @mamadi_26 warned EDM (Electricidade de Moçambique) not to cut power on election night, a frequent tactic during vote counting.

Older women prefer WhatsApp voice messages. One such message, circulated after the Electoral Commission’s announcement, rejects Chapo’s win. The speaker, from Nampula, declares:

“Yes, you will govern, but we will not respect you… We humiliated you from Rovuma to Maputo. Even the chickens noticed.”

Listening to Women

Women have always helped shape Mozambique’s political narrative. Today, that role is more visible than ever. Their political commentary, through song, dance, or digital media, is forceful and clear. It is no longer tenable to claim they lack autonomy or are merely pawns in someone else’s game. Those who haven’t been listening, perhaps, were never the intended audience.

On 24 March 2025, a picture of Chapo and Mondlane shaking hands made the rounds in all the social media platforms. I am anxious to hear what women have to say about this.

References

Arnfred, Signe. 2004. Tufo Dancing: Muslim Women’s Culture in Northern Mozambique. No. 11, 39–65.

Biinato Júnior. 2023. MC Da RENAMO – Trufafá Trufafá (Oficial). YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=R5W3mnTdDqY

Catueira, André. 2024. “Aumenta o número de moçambicanos que se refugiam no Malawi.” Voice of America, 28 December. https://www.voaportugues.com/a/aumenta-número-de-moçambicanos-que-se-refugiam-no-malawi/7917088.html

DW. 2024a. Moçambique: Cinco Mortos e 22 Baleados No Primeiro Dia de Novas Manifestações. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GU88DDTPGqM

DW. 2024b. Moçambique: Clima de Tensão Agudiza-Se Em Inhassunge. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-TndkBk1frw

DW. 2025. “Vítimas da violência pós-eleitoral refugiam-se no Malaui.” DW, 3 January. https://www.dw.com/pt-002/v%C3%ADtimas-da-viol%C3%AAncia-p%C3%B3s-eleitoral-refugiam-se-no-malaui/a-71207685

Guissemo, Manuel. 2018. “Hip Hop Activism: Dynamic Tension between the Global and Local in Mozambique.” Journal of World Popular Music 5(1): 50–70. https://doi.org/10.1558/jwpm.36673

Hebden, Ellen E. 2020. “Compromising Beauties: Affective Movement and Gendered (Im)Mobilities in Women’s Competitive Tufo Dancing in Northern Mozambique.” Culture, Theory and Critique 61(2–3): 208–28

Israel, Paolo. 2010. In Step with the Times: Mapiko Masquerades of Mozambique. Athens: Ohio University Press

Jentzsch, Corinna. 2018. “Spiritual Power and the Dynamics of War in the Provinces of Nampula and Zambézia.” In The War Within: New Perspectives on the Civil War in Mozambique, edited by Eric Morier-Genoud, Michel Cahen, and Domingos do Rosário, 75–99. Boydell & Brewer

Linden, Ian. 1972. “‘Mwali’ and the Luba Origin of the Chewa: Some Tentative Suggestions.” The Society of Malawi Journal 25(1): 11–19

Manhiça, Anésio, Alex Shankland, Kátia Taela, Euclides Gonçalves, Catija Maivasse, and Mariz Tadros. 2020. “Alternative Expressions of Citizen Voices: The Protest Song and Popular Engagements with the Mozambican State.” Institute of Development Studies. https://doi.org/10.19088/IDS.2020.001

Meneses, Maria Paula. 2019. “Singing Struggles, Affirming Politics: Mozambique’s Revolutionary Songs as Other Ways of Being (in) History.” In Mozambique on the Move: Challenges and Reflections, edited by Sheila Pereira Khan, Maria Paula Meneses, and Bjørn Enge Bertelsen. BRILL

Newitt, Malyn. 1995. A History of Mozambique. Indiana University Press

O País. 2024. “Venâncio Mondlane declara-se vencedor das eleições.” 11 October. https://opais.co.mz/venancio-mondlane-declara-se-vencedor-das-eleicoes/

Rantala, Janne. 2014. “Rapper Azagaia e Seus Críticos: Debate Sobre Moçambique.” In Lusotopie, 297–316

Rantala, Janne. 2016. “‘Hidrunisa Samora’: Invocations of a Dead Political Leader in Maputo Rap.” Journal of Southern African Studies 42(6): 1161–77

Rantala, Janne. 2024. “A Sonic Biography of an Afterlife: The Expelled Liberation Leader Uria Simango in Mozambican Rap.” Journal of Southern African Studies. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/03057070.2024.2372556

Rosário, Carmeliza. 2021. Donas da Terra (Female Owners of the Land): Decolonising Historical Representations through an Ethnography of Memories of Women of Power and Authority in Zambezia, Mozambique. PhD thesis, University of Bergen

STV. 2024. Polícia Dispara Gás Lacrimogêneo Contra Manuel de Araújo e Seus Apoiantes. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NehV9M57W3w

Taela, Kátia. 2025. “Understanding the Gendered Dimensions of Post-Election Protests in Mozambique.” Institute of Development Studies. https://www.ids.ac.uk/opinions/understanding-the-gendered-dimensions-of-post-election-protests-in-mozambique/

Taela, Kátia, Euclides Gonçalves, Catija Maivasse, and Anésio Manhiça. 2021. “Shaping Social Change with Music in Maputo, Mozambique.” Institute of Development Studies. https://doi.org/10.19088/IDS.2021.020

Vail, Leroy, and Landeg White. 1978. “Colonial Discourse and Mozambican History.” History in Africa 5: 143–92

Vail, Leroy, and Landeg White. 1983. “Forms of Resistance: Songs and Perceptions of Power in Colonial Mozambique.” American Historical Review 88(4): 883–919

A version of this text appears in Portuguese in Mundo Crítico. 2024. ‘Mulheres, Poder e Liderança’. Mundo Crítico 11. Centro de Estudos Sociais. https://mundocritico.org.

African agency in response to EU externalization efforts

Diplomatic pressures on countries in West Africa to cooperate on migration-related issues has been high, and growing, in recent years. Numerous policy initiatives underscore this, going back to the 1992 Declaration on Principles Governing External Aspects of Migration Policy, which included the idea of EU return agreements with countries of origin and transit. Most recently, the EU Pact on Migration and Asylum, adopted in 2024, underscores the importance of return as one of the cornerstones of their revised common approach, with a new returns directive proposed by the European Commission in March 2025. Over time, negative incentives linked to cooperation on migration issues have become increasingly prevalent. A revised visa code from 2020, allows the EU to use Visa access as leverage with third countries, including restrictive measures related to processing and fees if a country is not cooperating. Yet, the numbers of actual return to key countries with the highest number of migrants with an order to leave is still surprisingly low: between 2015 and 2019, the cumulative return rations of Senegal, Nigeria and The Gambia fluctuated between 14 % (in 2016) to 23% (in 2015). In 2019, the ratio was at 17% meaning that the EU was only able to return 17% of those with an order to leave to their respective countries.

In recent years, there has been a flurry of new research considering Global South perspectives in migration cooperation, including different formal and informal diplomatic tools available to them. In this blog, based on a previously published article, I focus on how agency of African states can work in the face of extreme pressure from the EU to cooperate on returns. The dilemma for states goes a little like this: there are huge incentives to comply with EU pressure (read development aid) and negative consequences if you don’t – general diplomatic fallout, to visa sanctions. And yet, states know that enforced returns will lead to a reduction in remittances, may push already frustrated people on to labour market that offer insufficient jobs, and can lead to conflict and tensions in families, communities and beyond. More than anything, deportations are undignified. In other words, allowing your own citizens to be deported means acquiescing to enacting violence upon them. In one interview conducted for this research, a civil society activist in Senegal noted, “They say that the state of Senegal has gone to repatriate, which is why Germany is giving funds. This is not normal, because human dignity should not be exchanged for money, and this is not normal at all” (Interview, Dakar, July 2019).

This blog post is based on over 100 semi-structured interviews with policymakers, politicians, civil society activists, and academic experts conducted (in collaboration with several colleagues) in Niger, Nigeria, The Gambia and Senegal. Focusing on the latter three countries as example, I argue that states develop subtle often very implicit ways of responding to EU pressures on return cooperation. Outright resistance is diplomatically difficult, but overlooking some of the quieter responses would undermine the agency of African states in a non-level playing field.

My research found that the way that states respond ranges from compliance to incompliance, both reactive and proactive. These are often used in combination with each other and can change over time. Here, I divide into three categories: reluctant compliance on return, reactive incompliance on return, and proactive incompliance on return.

Reluctant compliance on return

Development aid for migration-related purposes makes it potentially lucrative for governments to cooperate with the EU. Because of this, one possible response for governments in West Africa is to comply with return cooperation. Negative incentives imposed on governments, for instance through visa sanctions, are another reason to reluctantly comply on return cooperation. One interviewee in The Gambia, working for an international organization, explained “the economic might that they [the EU] bring into the discussion, [hence]…governments accept to sign these [return] contracts because these contracts are conditioned to other financial supports from the EU to the country” (Interview, Serrekunda, May 2019).

Yet, state actors do not just comply with cooperation pressures. Government officials may make an effort to distance themselves from cooperation efforts. At the very least, development projects with a strong tie to external migration interests can raise “unsaid insidious questions”, according to one of our Senegal-based interlocutors (Interview implementing partner, Dakar, 29 July 2019). As a result, those EU-funded projects implemented in Senegal, are ones that are based on previous Senegalese reiterations of projects that already existed. The idea being – whether factually true or not – that the government is not submitting to the pressure to the extent of implementing things that are not already part of their political vision of the country.

Another frequent way to side-step form and clear compliance is by attempting to cooperate under the radar. There has been a steady growth of informal agreements. In fact, in terms of formal agreements, there is only on Mobility Partnership with a Sub-Saharan African country, Cape Verde in 2007, and two less binding Common Agendas for Migration and Mobility, signed with Nigeria and Ethiopia in 2015. For the EU, informal agreements may be more realistic to achieve, and for their partner countries in West Africa, informality avoids public scrutiny and is therefore potentially less costly in terms of domestic legitimacy. One of our interviewees, a policy consultant in Abuja also noted that such informal agreements, including Memoranda of Understanding were useful for ‘testing the waters’ before signing a permanent agreement (Interview, March 2019). In The Gambia, a newly elected government tentatively began to improve cooperation with the EU on return matters after signing an informal agreement (a ‘good practice agreement’) in 2018. This ultimately backfired. The lack of transparency and miscommunication on the deal led to rumors of government officials “selling the backway people” (Interview, Gambian activist, Freiburg, May 2017, backway being the name of migrants taking irregular routes to Europe).

Reactive incompliance on return

There are several strategies used to avoid compliance with forced returns in a more reactive manner. This includes failing to adhere to technical steps or pointing to technical issues for justifying incompliance. One direct reactive form of incompliance is the non-engagement in identification missions. Migrants need to be identified by states as their own nationals and receive some form of identification papers in order to physically be able to fly home. Without IDs – both passports and laissez-passer documentation, deportations cannot be processed. State delegations are regularly invited to come and identify a number of migrants with no leave to remain as their own nationals. One form of incompliance we saw in the course of our research, was national missions that were delayed, never took place or didn’t identify supposed nationals for any other reasons. Such a reaction, is not saying we will not comply, but it is also not expending excessive energy in compliance either.

Beyond this, any number of technical reasons can justify non-compliance. Again, this is not an outright refusal to engage with deportation, but rather a temporary stay linked to procedural rules like the number of migrants that can be deported in a certain time span, how long in advance a deportation flight needs to be announced for etc. Reactive incompliance allows states to disavow their commitments through inaction, slowing down return operations without vocally speaking out against them. This is less costly in their diplomatic relations than outright disapproval but can also increase domestic legitimacy.

Proactive incompliance on return

Taking into consideration both the domestic and external pressures, some governments are deciding to resist return cooperation more overtly. This can be rather indirectly, like the long-standing active refusal to sign an EU agreement on returns from both Senegal and Nigeria. It can also take on very direct forms in some cases – like the moratorium on deportations in The Gambia.

Indirectly then, negotiations for a formal cooperation agreement on return can drag out, in various forms of ‘passive stalling’ as previous research has shown for EU-Senegal negotiations, under a French lead. Negotiations on a readmission agreement between Nigeria and the EU have infamously dragged on, despite the country signing a CAMM with the EU in 2015. A senior AU official stated:

‘Nigeria is tough to deal with. The EU can arm twist countries like Senegal, Mali; they can’t do that to Nigeria; with the Nigerian government no one really knows what is happening’ (Interview, Berlin, March 2019).

Similarly, a Nigerian academic stated in their interview: ‘I don’t think Nigeria is interested in the migration partnership with EU, at least not in the aspects that the EU is interested in’ (Interview, Nigerian academic, phone, February 2019). As such, the Nigerian government may be using the stalling tactic in order to get benefits (like improved legal migration pathways etc.). They are stalling on the negotiations, and remain proactively incompliant on large-scale return, though never openly and vocally dismissing return or an agreement at all either.

Perhaps given their geopolitical size and position on the continent, a certain diplomatic lenience is to be expected from Nigeria. But (country) size does not seem to matter. The most direct example of proactive incompliance comes from the moratorium on deportations from the tiny and diplomatically rather marginal country, The Gambia. The Gambian authorities claimed that the conditions of the 2018 agreement informal were not maintained, with one flight in February 2019 particularly contested. Issues included the number of police officers on the plane (60), the treatment of the deportees (handcuffed) and that the Gambian authorities had allegedly not been adequately informed of the incoming flight. A tense atmosphere, including a violent incident directly at the airport and protests in response, led to the government imposing a moratorium, stopping all deportation flights to the country. Only after months of anxious negotiations was the moratorium formally lifted in October 2019, though it took years for deportations to significantly increase again. The moratorium and the continuous delay of accepting higher return numbers amounts to proactive incompliance.

Internationally such a strategy can backfire: Visa sanctions for The Gambia were mentioned in passing back in 2019 by a European diplomat (‘that might be an option’, Interview, Serrekunda, May 2019), and in 2021 were adopted for The Gambia, with the press release stating, this ‘decision was taken due to the country’s lack of cooperation on readmission of third-country nationals illegally staying in the EU’ (European Council 2021). They were only lifted in 2024, after the number of returns were at an adequate number again. Adequate for the European partners.

Given the asymmetric power imbalances, an outright form of resistance is unlikely. States have to remain watchful of their political abilities in such a constrained environment. Given the asymmetric power relations of countries in the Global South, it is highly pertinent to give a more nuanced account of interactions between states in this situation and those in a more powerful position.